Full text of "Divers voyages touching the discovery of America and the islands adjacent [microform]"

s^.

^i^.

K^ \^ ^

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

V.^^

1.0

1.1

1^128 |Z5
■tt lii 12.2
:^ !:£ 12.0

IL25 II u

Ii4

PhotogFaphic

Sciences

CorporatiGn

M
^

23 WIST MAIN STRUT

WIBSTIR,N.Y. 145N

(716)t72-4S03

CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHIVI/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Instituta for Historical IMicroreproductions / Institut Canadian da microraproductions liistoriquas

Technical and Bibliographic Notas/Notas tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa

The Institute has attempted to obtain the best
original copy available for filming. Features of this
copy which may be bibliographically unique,
which may alter any of the images in the
reproduction, or which may significantly change
the usual method of filming, are checked below.

D
D

Coloured covers/
Couverture de couleur

I I Covers damaged/

Couverture endommagie

Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture restaurie et/ou pelliculAe

I I Cover title missing/

Le titre de couverture manque

□ Coloured maps/
Cartes giographiques en couleur

Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/
Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire)

□ Coloured plates and/or iliustrations/
Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur

Bound with other material/
ReliA avec d'autres documents

Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion
along interior margin/

La re liure serrie peut causer de I'ombre ou de la
distortion le long de la marge int^rieure

Blank leaves added during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
11 se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties
lore d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte.
mais, lorsque cela itait possible, ces pages n'ont
pas 6t6 film6es.

Thai
toth

L'institut a microfilm* le meilleur exemplaire
qu'il iui a At* possible de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sent peut*Atre uniques du
point de vue bibliographique. qui peuvent modifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une
modification dans la mAthode normale de f ilmage
sont indiquAs ci-dessous.

I I Coloured pages/

•

Pages de couleur

Pages damaged/
Pages endommagtes

Pages restored and/or laminated/
Pages restaurtes et/ou peilicuiies

Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/
Pages dicolortes, tachat^es ou piqudes

Pages detached/
Pages ditachdes

The
post
of til
filmi

Origl
begii
the I
sion,
othe
first
sion,
or ill

Showthrough/
Transparence

I I Quality of print varies/

Quality in^gala de I'impression

includes supplementary material/
Comprend du materiel supplimentaire

Only edition available/
Seule Mition disponible

The
shall
TINl
whic

Map
diffa
entir
begii
righl
requ
metl

Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata
slips, tissues, etc.. have been refilmed to
ensure the best possible image/
Les pages totalement ou partiellement
obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure,
etc.. ont M filmAes A nouveau de fa^on A
obtenir la meilleure image possible.

Additional comments:/
Commentaires suppKimentaires:

Irregular pagiratton : [i]-exi, [1]- 48, 51 •54,49-50,66- 171, [1]- 6 p.

This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/

Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indiqu* ci-dessous.

10X

14X

18X

22X

2SX

30X

12X

16X

aox

a4x

28X

32X

The copy filmad h«r« has boon r«produc«d thanks
to tha ganarosity of:

GaoloiiMl Sumy of Canada

L'axamplaira filmi fut raproduit grAca d la
g*n*rosit4 da:

BibliotMqua,

CommMon Gfologlqua du Canada

Tha imagas appearing hara ara tha bast quality
possibia considaring tha condition and lagibility
of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha
filming contract spaciflcations.

Las imagas suivantes ont M reproduites avec le
plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et
da la nattatA da l'axamplaira film6. et en
conformity avec les conditions du contrat de
filmage.

Original copies in printed paper covers ara filmed
beginning with the front cover and ending on
the last page with e printed or illuatratad impres-
sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All
other original copiaa ara filmed beginning on the
first page with a printed or liluatratad imprea-
sion, and ending on the laat page with a printed
or illuatratad impraaaion.

The laat recorded frame on each microfiche
shall contain the symbol — »• (meaning "CON-
TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"),
whichever applies.

Maps, plates, charts, etc., mey be filmed at
different reduction ratioa. Thoaa too large to be
entirely included in one expoaura are filmed
beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to
right and top to bottom, as many framea as
required. The following diagrams illustrate the
method:

Lea axemplaires originaux dont la couverture en
papier est imprimte sont fiim6s en commenpant
par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la
darnlAre pege qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second
plat, salon le cas. Tous les autres axemplaires
originaux sont filmte en commen^ant par la
pramlAre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impr ission ou d'illustration et en terminant par
la derniire page qui comporte une telle
empreinte.

Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la
derniAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le
caa: le symbols --^ signifie "A SUIVRE ", le
symbols V signifie "FIN ".

Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre
filmAa A des taux de reduction diff6rents.
Loraque le document est trop grand pour dtre
reproduit en un seul clichi, 11 est film6 A partir
de I'angle supirieur gauche, de gauche d droite,
et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre
d'images nicessaira. Les diagrammes suivants
illuatrent la m^thoda.

1 2 3

32X

' 4

--\

<:>.

-jH Tfi^ z^-

^--^7 XC^-

WORKS ISSUED BY "

%\)t llafelugt ^ocictg*

DIVERS VOYAGES TOUCHING THE

DISCOVERY OP

AMERICA,

ETC.

M.DCCC.L.

DIVERS

VOYAGES

TOUCHING THE DISCOVERY

AMERICA

AND THE ISLANDS ADJACENT.

COU.ECTED AND PUBUSHED

BY RICHARD HAKLUYT,

I'BEUEHDABY OF IIHISTOL,
IN THE VEAIl 16H2.

GIIITEI),

SlBitf) J&oti0 anl) an intcotiuctton,

JOHN WINTER JONES,

OF THE DIUTISB MUSEUM.

• • t ,

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.L.

■■' i

'4-

LONDON:

t I I r < I (

« • • r •

. • • •

• • • • •

• . . .

' * t • • • •

* •

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

OTouncK.

sill IKIDKIIICK IMPKY MUIICHISON, O.C.St.S,, K.U.S., Ciur, M.ii. In^l. li„
Moll. Mem. Imp. .\caJ. Sc. St. Petersburg, Ac, Ac, Phexidkn r.

V Vi(i;-I'iii:

ViCE-AnmiUL Sill CUAHLKS MAT.COl.M, Knt.

The earl of ELLKSMEHK.

llEAii-AnuiRAL Sib FKANCXS BRAUFOKT, K.C.Il.

chaiu.es t. beke, Em., I'lrn. d., f.s.a.

fAPr.MN C. n. DRINKWAIEU nKTIinNE, ll.N., < .11.

'J'HB I,OKB ALFRED S. OHUIU'IIILL.

WILLtAM DESBOROUOir COOLKY. Esq.

1I«)LT0N CORNEY, Esq., M.K.S.L.

TilR RloHT Rev. LORD JJISIIOP OV ST. DAVIDS.

Siu lll'.NRY KLLI9, K.H., F.U.S.

JOHN FOUSTEH, Esij.

R, W. OREY, Esq., M.P.

THOMAS HODOKIN, Es.j., M.D.

.lOHN HOLMES, Esq.

•lOHN WINTER JONES, Es.}.

I'. LEVESQUE, Esq.

IHE VEliv Rev. the DEAN OF SI'. I'AIT.S. »

THOMAS RUNDALL, Esq.

The Rmnr Hon. the LORD ADVOCAli; oF scoir.AND.

The Hon, HENRY E. J. STANLEY.

H. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.O.S., H.oioisahy SF,iiiKT.M;y.

■%*2)00^

INTRODUCTION.

The " Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of
America", was the first publication of the active-
minded and public-spirited clergyman from whose
name the Uakluyt Society has derived its designation.
To many members the question will naturally suggest
itself, why, having thought the name worthy adoption,
the work should have been so long postponed. The
following is the explanation of this circumstance.
When the Hakluyt Society was instituted, the first
work proposed for publication was the " Divers Voy-
ages"; but it having been ascertained that the late
intelligent American bookseller, Mr. Rich, had con-
templated publishing a fac-simile reprint, and that he
had had cut a fount of black-letter type for that pur-
pose, application was made to him, in order to ascer-
tain whether he still proposed carrying that design
into e£fect. Mr. Rich, in reply, stated that he was
willing to leave the work in the hands of the Society,
provided the Council would print it as he himself had
proposed to do, and would purchase the type he had
had cast for it. As it was not deemed advisable
to adopt this proposition, and as a separate publica-
tion by the Society would have interfered prejudicially

INTRODUCTION.

iMl

with Mr. Rich's prior right, it was considered proper
to forego what would certainly have been the most
appropriate leader of their series, and to adopt some
other work. When, however, after the lapse of three
years, the subject was again mentioned to Mr. Rich,
he stated that he had abandoned his intention of
publishing the book ; and the Society, being now un-
fettered, lost no time in placing it in course of pre-
paration. ■

Before making any remarks upon the work itself,
it will be proper to say something of the compiler ;
than whom few, perhaps, have better deserved an
honourable place in the memory of their countrymen,
and none have commanded more general respect with
those who have taken the trouble to make themselves
acquainted with his far-seeing and patriotic views, and
the untiring perseverance with which he sought to
make his views effective. It is hardly necessary to
refer here to the solitary exception to this feeling of
admiration for the labours of an honest, upright man,
which is presented in the person of Mr. Biddle, in his
Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot. Mr. Tytler, in his
Historical View of the Progress of Discovert/ on the
more Northern Coasts of America, has sufficiently
exposed the animus of Mr. Biddle's strictures.
t The ancestors of Hakluyt were established at a very
early period in the county of Hereford. The family seat
was at Yatton ; and they must have ranked amongst
the principal landowners of the county. In the list
of sheriffs, given by Duncumb in his History of Here-
fordshire, we find that "Walter de Hackluit filled that

INTRODUCTION.

Ill

office in the first, second, third, and fourth years of
Edward II ; Hugh tiackluit, in the tenth and eleventh
years of the same reign ; Kdward Hackluit, in the
thirty-first, thirty-second, and thirty-third years of
Edward III ; Leonard Haclcluit, knt., in the second
year of Hen. IV; and a Ralph Hackluit in the seven-
teenth year of Edw. IV, and again in the twenty-third
of Hen. VII, and tenth of Hen. VIII. The list of
members for the county, contained in the same work,
presents us with Walter de Hackluite, in the sixth
year of Ed. II ; Edmund Hakelute, in the first year
of Ed. Ill ; Edmund Fitz-Edraund Hackluit, in the
twenty-eighth of Ed. Ill ; Edward Hackluit, in the
thirty-first of Ed. Ill ; and Leonard Hakkluyt, in
the ninth, eleventh, and seventeenth years of Rich. II.
We also learn, from the General Introduction to the
same work, that Walter Hakelut was knighted, with
several others, in the thirty-fourth year of Ed. I ;
and in a return of the principal inhabitants of Here-
fordshire, made to royal commissioners in the twelfth
year of Henry VI, we find, in the list of knights,
Walter Hackluit, and in that of the gentlemen, Wil-
liam Hackluit, Hugh Hackluit, and Egidius Hackluit.
One Thomas Hakeluyt was chancellor of the diocese
of Hereford in the year 1349. It appears also, from
the two following documents, that Thomas Hakeluytt,
probablj^ the head of the family, was in the wardship
of Henry VIII, and Edward VI. Vizt. :

1. "An indenture, made the 8th day of August, anno 28
Hen. VIII, between William Beuyle, gentleman, Roger
Acton, gentillman, twoo of the cousins and heyres of John

II;

INTRODUCTION.

Suggewas, deceased, Philip Baskerwile, Esq., and Elizabeth,
his wife, late wife of James May, one other of the cousins
and heyres of the said John Suggewas, and Richard Watkyn,
gentilman, the king's coinittee of the body and lands of
Thomas HakeLytt, sonne and heyre of John Hakeluytt,
Esq., deceased, one other of the cousins and heyres of the
said John Suggewas, on the one partie, and John White, on
the other partye, etc., for a messuage in Grafton in com.
Heref. Datum A". 21, H. 8." — Visitation of Huntingdonshire,
p. 45, published by the Camden Society.

2. " Extract from a Court Boll held at Kyngstaple, in the
county of Hereford, 26 April, 1 Ed. VI, containing a memo-
randum that Thomas Havarde, Esq., the king's feodary, had
granted to Thomas Mynde all the purpartie of Thomas Hake-
luyt, gent., the king's warde, and one of the lords of King-
staple, of the copice of Cary Woodde and lands in Castell-
dichefelde, Vaughans Welle, and Moche Cavene, to hold
during the minority of the same Hakeluyt, paying yearly the
Lum of three shillings and eight pence.'' [Additional Char-
ters and Rolls, No. 1351, Brit. Mus.]

The subject of this memoir was born about the
year 1553, in or near London as it has been conjec-
tured, but upon what authority does not appear, un-
less it be the circumstance of his having been educated
at Westminster school, in which he informs us he was
one of the queen's scholars. He was elected to Christ
Church College, Oxford, in the year 1570, being
then seventeen years of age. He took his degree of
Bachelor of Arts on the 19th of February 1574, and
that of Master of Arts on the 27th of June 1577.
The love of cosmography, and maritime discovery,
for which he became so justly distinguished at a later
period of his life, had been implanted in him while he

INTRODUCTION. V

was yet a scholar at Westminster. The following is
the graphic account of his introduction to this fasci-
nating pursuit, given by himself in the dedication to
Sir Francis "Walsinghara, prefixed to the first edition
of his General Collection of Voyages and Travels.

*' I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Ma-
jestie's scholars at Westminster, that fruitful nui-serie, it was
my happe to visit the chamber of M. Richard Hakluyt, my
cosin, a gentleman of the Middle Temple,' well knowen unto
you, at a time when I found lying open upon his boord cer-
teine bookes of cosmographie with an universall mappe : he
seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began to
instruct my ignorance by shewing me the division of the
earth into three parts after the olde account, and then ac-
cording to the latter and better distribution into more. He
pointed with his wand to all the known seas, gulfs, bayes,
straights, capes, rivers, empires, kingdoms, dukedoms, and
territories of ech part ; with declaration also of their spe-
cial commodities and particular wants which by the benefit
of traffike and intercourse of merchants are plentifully
supplied. From the mappe he brought me to the Bible,
and turning to the 107th Psalme, directed mee to the
23rd and 24th verses, where I read that they which go
downe to the sea in ships and occupy by the great waters,
they see the works of the Lord and his woonders in the
deepe, etc., which words of the Prophet, together with my
cousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my yong
nature) tooke in me so deepe an impression, that I constantly

' Wood, in hia AtheneB Oxonienses, vol. ii, p. 186, edit. Bliss, falls
into a confusion between the cousins, and states that our author
studied law in the Temple. The mistake is natural, inasmuch as
Bichard Hakluyt of Yatton was himself distinguished for his geo-
graphical knowledge, and frequently applied to for advice by mer-
chants and others.

INTRODUCTION.

t I

resolved if ever I were preferred to the university, where
better time and more convenient place might be ministred
for these studies, would, by God's assistance, prosecute that
knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after
a sort) were so happily opened before me."

He did not forget this resolution when the oppor-
tunity for carrying it into effect arrived. He pro-
ceeds, in the same dedication : — " According to which
my resolution, when not long after I was removed to
Christ Church in Oxford, my exercises of duety first
performed, I fell to my intended course, and by degrees
read over whatsoever printed or written discoveries
and voyages I found extant either in the Greeke,
Latine, Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French or English
langv ages ; and in my publike lectures was the first
that produced and shewed both the olde and imper-
fectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes,
globes, spheares and other instruments of this art for
demonstration in the common schooles, to the singular
pleasure and generall contentment of my auditory."
It is much to be regretted that Hakluyt does not
say specifically where these lectures were delivered.
Oldys, in his memoir of Hakluyt, printed in the
Biographia Britnnnica, expresses himself in such a
manner as to lead to the supposition that they were
read at Oxford, but the silence of Anthony a Wood on
the subject at least throws much doubt upon the cor-
rectness of such an inference. It may not be out of
place here to mention a curious error into wliich
Oldys has fallen respecting this same lectureship.

Speaking of the publication of the present work he

INTRODUCTION.

Vll

says, quoting from notes he tells us he had made
many years before, " It appears, in the epistle dedi-
catorie,that his lecture of navigation, before mentioned,
was so well approved of by the renowned Sir F. Drake,
that he made some proposals to continue, and establish
it in Oxford, upon the prospect, which Mr. Hakluyt
soon after had. of some engagement abroad." It is
difficult to imagine, as the reader wiU be able to
judge for himself by turning to page 16, that the
man who wrote this sentence could possibly have
seen the epistle dedicatorie in question. The proposal
ioT founding a lectureship, not continuing one, came
from Hakluyt himself, in consequence of what he had
heard of the good results of such establishments in
Spain, and of what he knew of the fatal consequences
resulting from the too general ignorance of our own
seamen : and the place was not Oxford, where, for
the purpose he had in view, it would be totally useless,
but London, or about RatclifFe ; in the very centre, in
fact, of the localities most frequented by mariners of
all grades. It had no reference whatever to Hakluyt's
lectureship, whether at Oxford or elsewhere; of which,
although his own statement is specific that he did, at
some time before 1589, deliver lectures on cosmo-
graphy, he leaves us to form our own conclusions
as to the probable period and locality. There is,
no doubt, however, as to the reality and earnest-
ness of Hakluyt's exertions in this direction. He
returns to the subject in the dedication of the first
volume of the second edition of his Collection, where
he urges on the Lord Admiral Howard the import-

! I

M! i

! il

Vlll

INTRODUCTION.

ance of establishing such a lectureship in London.'
The honour due to the suggestion was not the less
that the suggestion itself was allowed to pass unheeded
by those with whom it rested to give this boon of
nautical instruction to our seamen. Let us hope that
this now national reproach is about to be effectually
removed."

' See also Hakewill's Apology, 3rd edit. 1635, fol. p. 310, where
Haklujt's suggestion is particularly noticed.

' In a paper addressed to Lord Mahon, president of the Society
of Antiquaries, and printed in vol. xxxviii of the Archaologia,
p. 283, Mr. Payne Collier publishes for the first time two highly
interesting letters from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham. The first
letter is for the most part upon the subject mentioned in the text.
As Mr. Collier does not say where the original is to be found,
we print it as it appears in the Archaologia,
" Right Honorable,

*< The famouse disputations in al partes of the matheinatikes,
which at this present are held in Paris, for the gayning of the
lecture which was erected by the worthy scholer Petrus Ramus, to
the great increase of those excellent sciences, put me in mynd to
sollicite your honour agayne and agayne for the erection of that
lecture of the arte of navigation, whereof I have had some speach
with your honour, Sir Francis Drake, and Alderman Barnes and
other. And that you might meet with al inconveniences, which
might frustate the expected profit, which is hoped for by the erec-
tion of the same, I send your honour here the testament of Petrus
Ramus, newly put out agayne in printe, and sent unto mee by
monsur Bergeren, Ramus his executor; whereby you may see, first
the exceeding zeale that man had to benefit his countrey, in be-
stowing 500 livers, which (as your honour knoweth) is fiftie pound
sterling, upon establishing of that lecture, bequeathing not halfe so
much to al the kindred and friends he had. Secondly, you may
note, that he, being one of the most famouse clerkes of Europe,
thought those sciences, next after divinitie, to be most necessarie
for the common welth, in that he erected a newe lecture of the
same, whereas there was one before erected, and endued with fiftie

INTRODUCTION.

It is very probable that some proposals had been
made to Hakluyt to accompany Sir Humphry Gilbert in
his last and fatal voyage to Newfoundland, in the year

pound stipend, by the kinges of France. Thirdly, that most pro-
vident order, which the good man by his will hath taken, is most
requisite to be put in execution in England; which is, thnt everie
three yeares there shalbe publicke disputation, signified to al men
by publicke writing, wherein it shalbe free for any man, for three
monethes space, to dispute agaynst the reader for the tyme being;
who, yf he be found negligent, or yf any one of the competitours
be found more worthy by the opinion of certayne indifferent men
of lerninge, chosen out of the purpose to be judges, that then the
unworthie shall give place to the more sufficient; who, so being
placed, is bound in three yeares space to read through the course
of the mathematikes.

" Yf, by your honour's instigation, her Majestic might be en-
duced to erecte such a lecture in Oxford, and the like for the arte
of navigation might by some other meanes be established at
London, allowing to each of them fiftie poundes yearly, with the
same conditions, in my simple judgment it would be the best hun-
dred poundes bestowed these five hundred yeares in England. For
it is not unknowne to your wisdome, how necessarie for service of
warres arithmeticke and geometric are, and for our new discoveries
and longe voyages by sea, the arte of navigation is, which is com-
pounded of many partes of the aforesayd sciences.

" Understandinge heartofore of your honour's great abundance
of busines, and your dangerouse sicknes, I thought it not meet to
trouble your honour with such thinges as I had carefully sought
out here in France, concerning the furtherance of the westerne
discoveries, but chose rather to imparte the same with Mr. Carlile,
which thing also I did. But, being lately advertised of your re-
covery (for which I humblie thanke almightie God), I was bold to
signifie unto your honour my dealing with Horatio Palavicini, to
become an adventurer in those westerne voyages, and, among other
talke, alleadged your good disposition to the same; which he hearing
of, replyed very cheerfully, that yf he were moved thereto by the
least word from your honour, he would put in his hundred pcfkind
adventure or more. If Mr. Carlile be gone, yet it might come in

INTRODUCTION.

I ii!!l

1583 ;' but no particulars are to be found recorded.
The circumstance that Hakluyt contemplated taking
part in the expedition is alluded to in a letter ad-
good tyrae to serve Mr. Frobisher's turne, yf your wisdorae shall
like well of yt, seeing he setteth not forth, as I understand, until
the beginning of May.

" I understand that the papistes give out secretly in the towne,
that there shall shortly come forth a confutation of the defence of
the execution of justice in England, which was set forth in English
and French in London. When yt conieth forth, I trust to have it
with the first.

" There is good hope that the minister, and those that were
taken lately with him in Paris, by the abbot of St. Geneveva, shall
very shortly be set at libertie; for the King secretly seemeth to
favour them; and they have very discreetly aunswered for them-
selves, that they were not at any communion or sermon, but that
they met together to consult whether to go out of Paris to some
place lawful by the edict. A frind of myne told mee he heard a
frier inveigh very exceeding bitterly agaynst them in a sermon
before a great congregation of people.

" Wee have heard by divers letters from Geneva that, besides
the earthquake, which was there about the end of Februarie, which
untyled many houses, and overthrewe many chymneis in the towne,
there is besides a whole village, in the contrey of Vallaye, swallowed
up, being foure dayes journey of Geneva.

" Those that favour the Spanish here in the towne have spred al
abroad, these two or three dayes, that Monsur is dead, which is
nothing so.

" Thus leving other matters and advertisementes of importance
to them unto whom they apperteyne, with remembraunce of the
continuance of my humble dutie to your honour, and your worthy
and vertuouse sonne in la we, I leve you to the merciful protection
of the Almightie. Paris, the first of April, 1584.

" Don Antonio, his captaynes, and his fleet, are not yet departed
from Paris, but look every day to depart.

" Your honour's most humble
• *• Richard Hakluyt."

^ The second letter from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham, pub-

INTRODUCTION.

dressed to him by Stephanas Parraenius, of Buda
(one of those engaged in the expedition), on their
arrival at the port of St. John. His words are

lished by Mr. Collier id the paper before quoted from (ante p. viii),
refers to a " motion lieartofore made" to him by Sir F. Walsingham
whether he could be contented to accompany an expedition to
America, in which he expresses his willingness to go and to employ
all his observations, readings and conference whatsoever for that
object. It does not appear that he contemplated any pecuniary
adventure in the undertaking, as he refers his " entertaynment in
this voyage" to Walsingham. Tlie voyage here contemplated was
most probably that of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies and
Carthagena in South America, the English fleet leaving England in
the month of September 1585. It is certain, however, that Hak-
luyt did not accompany it. Tlie letter, as given by Mr. Collier, is
as follows : —

" Right Honourable,

" I understand from your servant Curtis your good acceptation
of my hastie letter, your special favour and good will towardes
mee, as also your expectation of ray diligent inquirie of such thinges
as may yeld any light unto our westerne discoverie. For the two
former I yeld you most humble thankes; and for the later, I nether
have nor will omitte any possible diligence, expecting intelligences
thereof from Roan, Diepe, and St. Malo very shortly.

" In Paris I have seen in one man's house, called Perosse, the
value of five thousand crownes worth of furres, as sables, bevers,
otters, and other sortes, which he bought in August laste of the
men of St. Malo; and the yeare before, he told mee he bestowed
four thousand crownes with them in the like commoditie. He gave
me further to understand that he saw great quantitie of bufFe hides,
which they brought home, and sent into the lowe countreys to sell.
All which commodities, with diverse other of noe lesse value, are
brought out of the most northerly partes of those countreys, where-
unto our voyage of inhabiting is intended.

" And now, because I knowe that this present enterprise is like
soone to waxe colde, and fall to the ground, unlesse in this second
voyage all diligence in searching everie hope of gayne be used; and
calling to mynd that your honor made & motion heartofore unto me,

INTRODUCTION.

*' Non stutueram ad te scribere, ciim in mentem veniret
prornissum literarutn tuaruin. Putebas te superiore
jam Junto nos subsecuturum. Itaque de meo statu

whether I cold be contented to goe myselfe in the action, these are
to put your honor out of doubte, that for myne owne parte, I am
most willing to goe now in the same this present setting forth, and
in the service of God and my countrey to employ al my simple
observations, readinges, and conference whatsoever. For obtaining
leave of my L. Ambassador heere to departe, I doubt not but to
find meanes of myselfe, seeing he may have inough to supply my
roonie.

*' For leave of my coUedg, and entertaynment in this voyage, I
will wholly referre yt unto your honor, who wish me so well as you
will not see my poore estate impared. Because the tyme is ex-
ceeding shorte, I wold desire your honor's present aunswere; uppon
sight whereof, with winges of Pegasus, I wold fly in England.

" I have talked twiae with Don Antonio of Portugal, and with
five or sixe of his best captaynes and pilots, one of whom was born
in Easte India. They al wish al prosperitie to Her Majestic and
yourselfe, and say that, if the Queene of England wold joyne with
their master, whose strength by sea they commend unto the skyes,
they know how the King of Spayne, our mortal enemy, might
easily be met withal, and she much enriched. The number of
Portingalls which hange uppon the poore King are aboute an hun-
dred or sixe score : diverse of them are lately come out of the
Easte India, overlande by Tripoly in Siria. They have a voyage
in band, with five or sixe sayle of ships, which are in preparing at
Newe Haven for the coste of Guinea, and the castle of Mina,
wherein most parte of the Portingalls aforesayd are to be employed,
being joyned in company with the French. They set forward, as I
heare, within this moneth.

" One Sinior Andreas, borne in Savoy, is nowe, I heare, in
Paris, which hath bin lately in the Island of Japan, with whom, by
meanes of Doctor Pena, I shall have conference within a day or
two. Diverse other intelligences, tending toward the furtherance
of our western planting and discoverie, I looke for from sondry
places very shortly. In the meane season, with remembrance of
my humble dutie to your honor, and to your worthy and honorable

INTRODUCTION.

Xlll

ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri jusseram.
Veruin sic tibi non esset satisfactura, etc." — Hak-
luyt, vol. iii, p. 161. Whatever may have been
his intention in this respect, it may be presumed
that his plans were changed, in consequence of his
having been appointed chaplain to Sir Edward
Stafford, ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to the
court of France. At this period, also, he is said
to have held a professorship of divinity, but we
are not told where ; it could hardly have been at
Oxford, for if so it would not have been omitted in
the Athencn Oxonienses. In the month of May 1585,
during his residence at Paris with the British em-
bassy, the reversion of the next prebendal stall that
should become vacant was secured to him by the
queen's mandate ; and in the same, or the following
year, he, by virtue of this grant, took possession of
the first stall in the cathedral of Bristol, which at
that time became vacant by the death of Dr. John
Gough. Notwithstanding this preferment he did not,
as he informs us himself, give up his post of chaplain

sonno-in-lawe, I cease for the present, and beseech the Almightie
to hold you bothe in his safe garde.

" It was told me by Perosse, of whom I spake before, and by
Andrew The^et, the Kinges cosmographer, that Duke Joyeuze,
Admiral of France, and the Cardinal of Burbon and their frindes,
have had a meaning to send out certayne ships to inhabite some
place of the north part of America, and to carry thither many friers
and other religiouse persons; but I thinke they be not in haste to
doe yt. Paris, from my Lord Ambassadour's house, the vijth of
Januarie, 1584.

" Your honor's most humble to command,

" HiCHARD Hakluyt, Preacher."

XIV

INTKODUCTIOX.

ill!

:ii

to the British embassy at Paris until the year 1588,
when he returned to England with Lady Sheffield,
sister to his early patron the Lord Admiral Howard,
after a residence in France of five years.

Elizabeth had granted to Sir Walter Raleigh letters
patent, aated the 25th of March 1584, authorising
him, in the usual terms, to discover, search, and find
out such remote heathen and barbarous lands, coun-
tries, and territories not actually possessed by any
Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people,
as to him, his heirs, etc., should seem good. This
patent Raleigh, in the latter part of this year 1588,
assigned to Hakluyt, and several other gentlemen
and merchants, as a corporation of counsellors, as-
sistants, and adventurers, for the purpose of carrying
out the object of the patent. On the 20th of April
1590, he was instituted to the rectory of Wetteringsett
cum Blochford, in the county of Suffolk. The next
event we find recorded in the life of Hakluyt, apart
from his literary labours, is that of his marriage, which
is supposed to have taken place in or about the year
1594. About the year 1605, he succeeded Dr. Richard
Webster as a prebendary of Westminster.

Hakluyt, by his writings, and by his personal exer-
tions with several persons of influence, was the chief
promoter of a petition, addressed to King James in
the year 1606, praying that he would grant patents
for the colonization of Virginia. A charter was in
consequence granted, bearing date April 10, 1606,
by which two companies were formed, subsequently
known as the London Company, and the Plymouth

INTRODIX'TION.

er was in

Company. The tract of country lying between the
thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of latitude was
to be divided into nearly equal portions, one of which
was to be enjoyed by each of the said companies.
The first settlement was effected by the London, or
South Virginian Company ; the chief adventurers in
which, as patentees, were Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria
Wingfield.

Notsvithstanding the extraordinary interest our
author took in maritime discovery, and his extensive
intercourse with seafaring men of all grades, it does
not appear that he was ever tempted to quit his
native country, with the exception of his sojourn in
France. Contenting himself with the peaceful task
of collecting and recording the accounts of other
men's doings, it is not surprising that his life should
afford so little of incident to be recorded. He died
on the 23rd of November 1616, and was buried in
St. Peter's Church, in Westminster Abbey, on the
26th of the same month. He left one son, who in-
herited from his father a fair estate, which, it is said,
he had not the prudence to keep, and an illustrious
name, which he knew not how to value.

Hakluyt had three brothers ; one older, and two
younger than himself. Of the eldest, Thomas, we are
only told that he was elected from Westminster school
to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1567. The next,
Oliver, was educated at the same college, and after-
wards practised, with distinction, as a physician.
The youngest, Edmund, held the post, for four years.

XVI

INTRODUCTION.

of tutor to the Lord William Howard, the eldest son
of the earl of Nottingham.

Having given this hasty sketch of the life of our
author, we now proceed to the discussion of those
labours, by which his name has become inseparably
connected with the history of maritime discovery and
enterprise. It has been already stated, that he had
been chosen to lecture on cosmography and naviga-
tion ; but his views extended much farther than in-
structing his countrymen in these branches of know-
ledge. He saw clearly tlie course in which lay the
advantage and glory of his country ; he saw that
maritime traffic, and the acquisition of territory by
colonization, were the means by which England was
to improve the moral condition of her people, and main-
tain her position as a great naval power. Anxious to
promote these objects, he cultivated the acquaintance of
all who could give him information, and sought the pro-
tection of men who, appreciating his views, could assist
him in carrying them into effect. No labour, no ex-
pense deterred him. In the account of the " English
Voyage to Newfoundland in 1536", given by him in
his General Collection, p. 517-519; vol. iii, p. 129-
131 ; he says, "One Master Hore, of London, a man
of goodly stature, and of great courage, and given to
the studie of cosmography, encouraged divers gentle-
men, and others, being assisted by the king's favour
and good countenance, to accompany him in this
voyage of discovery", and that " his persuasions tooke
snch eflFect, that within short space many gentlemen
of the innes of court, and of the chancerie, and divers

INTRODLTTION,

XVll

others of good worship, desirous to sec the strnngc
things of the world, very willingly ODtereil info action
with him." This was a very disastrous voyage ; re-
markable for the intense sufferings of the crew, and
the very curious incident of their obtaining partial
relief for their hunger by taking from an osprey's
nest the fish the parent bird brought in great abund-
ance to its young. Hakluyt was so anxious to obtain
correct particulars of this voyage, that he rode two
hundred miles, in order to obtain the facts from the
lips of one Thomas Butts, then the only survivor of
the adventurers in the said voyage. He was inces-
santly employed in the examination, collection, tran-
script, and translation of accounts of voyages and
travels, charters, letters, and documents bearing in
any way upon his subject, and in correspondence with
men eager to impart information, obtain advice and
assistance, or to encourage him in his laudable and
patriotic efforts. The celebrated Abram Ortelius,
and Gerard Mercator, were among those who ex-
changed with him friendly communications upon the
subjects of common interest between them. Sir
Francis Walsingham, Sir Robert Cecil, the Lord High-
Admiral Howard, Sir Philip Sydney, and Sir Francis
Drake, were among those who supported him in
his labours by their commendations, and encouraged
him to proceed. On the 11th of March 1583, Sir F.
Walsingham writes to Hakluyt, thanking him for the
exertions he had made to assist in " the discovery of
the western parts yet unknown", and wishing him to
continue " his travaile in these, and like matters." —

XVIU

INTRODUCTION.

1 .uti

'ilil

Hakluyt Collection, vol. iii, p. 181. And by a letter
of the same date, addressed to the Mayor of Bristol,
Sir Francis Walsingham recommends the Bristol
adventurers to confer with the bearers of his letter,
R. Hakluit and Thomas Steventon, on the subject of
some ships these Bristol merchants were about to fit
out for the purpose of accompanying Sir Humphry
Gilbert in his ill-fated expedition before referred to. lb.
The first work which issued from our author's pen
was the collection now republished ; and it is not im-
probable that it may have been this work to which
Sir F. Walsingham more particularly alluded in his
letter of ths 11th March 1582, when he spoke of
Hakluyt's exertions to assist in the discovery of the
western parts yet unknown. It would be impossible
to explain Hakluyt's views, or the object towards
which his exertions were directed, more clearly than
he has himself done in the epistle dedicatory to Sir
Philip Sydney, prefixed to this work. The glory of
England ; the advantages of colonization, as a means
of employing the idle, of rendering the laws less san-
guinary, by diminishing the necessity for capital
punishment, and of enlarging the commerce of the
country ; the extension of the knowledge of navigation,
particularly amongst our merchant seamen ; and the
conversion of the savage, and consequent promotion
of the worship and glory of God, are all brought
forward in their turn. We shall have much to
say, in the course of this Introduction, upon the
various pieces of which this collection is composed ;
but we postpone our remarks for the present, in

INTRODUCTION.

XIX

order to dispose of the other works which either
emanated from our author, or were produced at his
suggestion. These will be taken in the order of their
production, as nearly as we have been able to ascer-
tain it.

He did not neglect his favourite pursuit during his
residence in France ; but made diligent inquiries for
information, not only among cosmographers and others,
but also in the libraries, both public and private.
During his researches he discovered a manuscript
account of Florida, a country which had been visited,
and to a certain extent explored, by Ribault in 1562,
and by Laudonniere in the following years. Perceiving
the interest and importance of this work, he engaged,
at his own expense, Martin Basanier to publish the
book at Paris, in French, in the year 1586.^ It is dedi-
cated to Sir Walter Raleigh ; and the editor takes
occasion to bestow high praises upon Sir Walter, for
the enterprise he displayed in his then late discovery
of Virginia. This work does not contain Ribault's
own account of his voyage. The attention this book
excited in France, encouraged Hakluyt to present
it to his countrymen in an English dress, and it was
published in London, in the year 1587, with the fol-
lowing title :

"A notable historic containing fonre voyages made by
certayne French captaynes unto Florida j wherein the great
riches and fruitefulnes of the countrey, with the maners of
the people, hitherto concealed, are brought to light ; written,

' See Dedication to vol. ii. of the 2nd edition of his general col-
lection.

ill;

i»

INTRODUCTION.

all saving the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained
there himselfe as the French king's lieuetenant a yere and a
quarter; newly translated out of French into English by
R. H. London : imprinted by Thomas Dawson, 1587. 4to."

Hakluyt has prefixed to his translation a dedicatory
epistle to Sir Walter Kaleigh, encouraging him to
prosecute the colonization of Virginia, by pointing out
the advantages, and probable resources of the district.

In the year 1587 he also published, at Paris, a re-
vised edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera's work, jC?
orbe novo. This edition appeared with the following
title :

"De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis
Protonotarii et Caroli quinti Senatoris Decades octo, dili-
genti temporum observatione et utihssimis annotationibus
illustrata;, suoque nitori restitutae, labore et industria
Richardi Hakluyti Oxoniensis Angli, etc. Parisiis, 1587." 8°.

Amongst other improvements in this edition, men-
tioned in the Latin dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh,
prefixed to the work, he observes : " Cartam geogra-
phicara praecipua operis loca continentem ut perpen-
dicularem appendicem adjunxi, memor illius quod vere
dicitur ' Geographiam esse historia3 oculum'." The map
here referred to is one of the world, and is dedicated to
Hakluyt in the following words : " Doctiss. et ornatiss.
Rich. Hakluyto F.G.S. Cui potius quam tibi orbem
hunc novum dicassem ? cum tu assiduis eruditisque
libris tuis ipsum eundem in dies illustriorem reddas.
Eum igitur uti tua humanitate dignum est accipe,
teque nos vicissim amabimus. Paris. Cal. Maij. 1587."
This map is of very rare occurrence. There is pre-

INTRODUCTION.

XXI

fixed a dedication, in Latin, to Sir Walter Raleigh,
occupying nine pages Many years afterwards, Michael
Lok, whose name is intimately connected with the
maritime history of this period, translated Anghiera's
work into English at the recommendation of Hakluyt.
The title is as follows :

" The historic of the West Indies^ containing the Actes
and Adventures of the Spaniards which have conquered and
peopled those countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant
relation of the manners, ceremonies, lawes, governments, and
warres of the Indians. Published in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt,
and translated into English by M. Lok. Gent. London.
Printed for Andrew Webb.^'

This publication preceded by a very short time the
permanent colonization of Virginia, the first English
settlement in America ; and it is but just to presume,
that the public and private efforts of our author must
have had a most important influence in directing at-
tention towards these establishments, from which
such mighty results subsequently followed. We shall
have to refer to his exertions in this respect on more
than one occasion.

It has been stated, in the early part of this narra-
tive, that Hakluyt was one of those to whom, in the
year 1588, Sir Walter Ralegh assigned his patent for
the prosecution of discoveries in heathen lands.
Whether this circumstance directed his attention more
particularly towards the maritime exertions of the
English, or whether, as he himself states,' he was
roused by the reproach of want of enterprise, brought

^ Dedication to the first edition of his general collection.

xxu

INTRODUCTION.

i I

ii'H

against his countrymen by foreigners, certain it is
that about this time he bent all his efforts towards
the arrangement of materials for a work which should
show that the English had not been idle, or unsuc-
cessful. This project, and its author, are thus referred
to by Philip Jones, in the dedication to Sir Francis
Drake, prefixed to his Certain briefs and speciall
Instructions for Gentfemen, Sfc, employed in ser-
vices abroad. London: 1589. 4to.

" I confesse that although my propension was alwaies to
endevor somthing for the inlargement of your name and
honor, having so well deserved of this commonwealth and of
every partictdar thereof, yet I was motioned to remember
yourselfe in the impression of this Index by my very good
and learned friend Mr. Eichard Hackluyt, a man of in-
credible devotion towarde yourselfe and of speciall careful-
nesse for the good of our nation ; as the world injoying the
benefit of some of his travels can give testimonie, and is pos-
sible to give better if that rare and excellent worke which he
now plyeth once come to publike view. In the mean time I
record his diligence,*' etc.

The result of these labours appeared toward the end
of the year 1589, in the publication of a folio volume,
with the following title : —

" The principall navigations, voiages and discoveries of the
English nation made by sea or over land to the most remote
and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within
the compasse of these 1500 yeeres: devided into three severall
parts according to the positions of the regions wherunto
they were directed. The first conteining the personall tra-
vels of the English into Judaea, Syria, Arabia, the river
Euphrates, Babylon, Balsara, the Persian Gulfc, Ormuz,

INTRODUCTION.

xxiii

Chaul, Goa, India, and many islands adjoyning to the south
parts of Asia : together with the like unto Egypt, the chiefest
ports and places of Africa within and without the streight of
Gibraltar, and about the famous promontorie of Buona Espe-
ranza. The second, comprehending the worthy discoveries
of the English towards the north and north-east by sea, as of
Lapland, Scrikfinia, Corelia, the Bale of S. Nicholas, the
Isles of Colgoieve, Vaigats, and Nova Zerabla toward the
great river Ob, with the mightie empire of Russia, the Cas-
pian sea, Georgia, Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria,
and divers kingdoms of Tartaria. The third and last, in-
cluding the English valiant attempts in searching almost all
the corners of the v^ste and new world of America from 73
degrees of northerly latitude southward to Meta Incognita,
Newfoundland, the maine of Virginia, the point of Florida,
the bale of Mexico, all the inland of Nova Hispania, the
coast of Terra Firma, Brasill, the river of Plate to the streight
of Magellan and through it, and from it in the South Sea to
Chili, Peru, Xalisco, the gulfe of California, Nova Albion
upon the backside of Canada further than ever any Christian
hitherto hath pierced. Whereunto is added the last most
renowned English navigation round about the whole globe of
the earth. By Richard Hakluyt, master of artes and student
some time of Christchurch in Oxford. Imprinted at London
by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1589." Fol.

The dediccation to Sir Francis Walsingham, prefixed
to this edition, contains some interesting particulars
relating to the life of the author ; and of which Oldys,
in his memoir of him in the Biographia Britannica,
has made good use. In the address to the reader,
Hakluyt explains the character of his work in the fol-
lowing concise terms.

" I meddle in this work with the navigations onely of our

XXIV

INTRODUCTION.

■'■;!

owne nation. And albeit I alleage in a few places (as the
matter and occasion required) some strangers as witnesses of
the things done, yet are they none but such as either fayth-
fuUy remember or sufficiently confirme the travels of oui*
owne people, of whom (to speake trueth) I have received more
light in some respects than all our owne historians could
affoord me in this case, Bale, Foxe, and Eden onely excepted."

His anxiety to communicate the best information he
possessed, is shown in the account of " The Ambassage
of Sir Hierome Bowes, to the emperour of Moscovie,
1583", printed at page 491 of the first edition of his
General Collection, in some copies of which this nar-
rative will be found to have been reprinted, with the
title altered, as follows :

" A briefe discourse of the voyage of Sir Jerome Bowes,
knight, her majesties ambassadour to the emperour of Mus-
covia, in the yeere 1583 : and printed this second time
according to the true copie I received of a gentleman that
went in the same voyage for the correction of the errours in
the former impression.'*

Having now given a definite form to his work,
he went on with increased energy. " The honour
and benefit of this commonwealth", he says, "hath
made all difficulties seem easy, all pains and industry
pleasant, all expenses of light value and moment to
me." In 1598 he published the first volume of a
second edition of his Collection, and two othei* volumes
followed in the two succeeding years. The first
volume is dedicated to the Lord Charles Howard, Earl
of Nottingham ; and it may be mentioned {par paren-
thise) as a curious fact that, neither in this dedica-

INTRODUCTION.

XXV

tion, nor in any part of the introductory matter, does
he make the slightest allusion to the first edition.
The second and third volumes are dedicated to Sir
Robert Cecil, the principal secretary of state, *' whose
earnest desires to do him [Hakluyt] good, lately
broke out into most bountiful and acceptable effects."
The titles of the several volumes of this edition are as
follows :

" The principal navigations^ voiages, traffiques and dis-
coveries of the English nation made by sea or over land to
the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any
time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres : devided into
three severall volumes according to the positions of the
regions whereunto they were directed. This first volume
containing the woorthy discoveries, etc. of the English toward
the north and north-east by sea, as of Lapland, Scrikfinia,
Corelia, the baie of S. Nicholas, the isles of Colgoieve,
Vaigatz, and Nova Zembla toward the great river Ob, with
the mighty empire of Russia, the Caspian sea, Georgia,
Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria, and divers king-
doms of Tartaria. Together with many notable monuments
and testimonies of the antient forren trades and of the warre-
like and other shipping of this realme of England in former
ages. Whereunto is annexed also a briefe commentarie of
the true state of Island and of the Northern seas and lands
situate that way. And lastly the memorable defeate of the
Spanish huge Armada, anno 1588, and the famous victorie
atchieved at the citie of Cadiz, 1596, are described. By
Richard Hakluyt, etc. Imprinted at London, by George
Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1598." Fol.

In the dedication to the volume, Hakluyt addresses
the Lord-Admiral strongly on the subject of the

':f

XXVI

INTRODUCTION.

establishment of a lectureship, on navigation, in the
city of London.'

" The second volume of the prineipal navigations, voyages,
traffiqiics, and discoveries of the English nation made by sea
or over land to the south and south-east parts of the world
at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres : divided
into two severall parts. Whereof the first containeth the
personall travels, etc., of the English through and within the
streight of Gibraltar to Alger, Tunis, and Tripolis in Barbary,
to Alexandria and Cairo in ^gypt, to the isles of Sicilia,
Zante, Candia, Rhodus, Cyprus and Chio, to the citie of Con-
stantinople, to divers parts of Asia Minor, to Syria and
Armenia, to Jerusalem and other places in Judaea ; as also to
Arabia downe the river of Euphrates to Babylon and Balsara,
and so through the Persian gulph to Ormuz, Chaul, Goa, and
to many islands adjoyning upon the south parts of Asia ; and
likewise from Goa to Cambaia and to all the dominions of
Zelabdim Echebar, the great Mogor, to the mighty river of
Ganges, to Bengala, Aracan, Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu,
to Jamahai in the kingdome of Siam, and almost to the very
fi'ontiers of China. The second comprehendeth the voyages,
trafficks, etc., of the English nation made without the streight
of Gibraltar to the islands of the Agores, of Porto Santo,
Madera, and the Canaries, to the kingdomes of Barbary, to
the isles of Capo Verde, to the rivers of Senega, Garabra,
Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, to the coast of Guinea and
Benin, to the isles of S. Thome and Santa Helena, to the
parts about the cape of Buona Esperanza, to Quitangone

' In some copies of the first volume of the second edition, the
voyage to Cadiz in 1596 is altogether suppressed or reprinted.
Where this is the case, the title-page is found to bear date 1599,
and that part of it which refers to the expedition to Cadiz is
omitted ; other alterations of a minor character being also intro-
duced into it.

INTRODUCTION.

XXVll

neerc Mozambique, to the isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, to
the citie of Ooa beyond cape Comori, to the isles of Nicubar,
Gomes Polo, and Pulo Pinaom, to the maine land of Malacca
and to the kingdome of Junsalaon. By Richard Hackluyt,
etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph New-
bery, and Robert Barker, anno 1599."

" The third and last volume of the voyages, navigations,
traflfiques and discoveries of the English nation, and in some
few places where they have not been, of strangers, performed
within and before the time of these hundred yeeres to all
parts of the Newfound world of America or the West Indies,
from 73 degrees of northerly to 57 of southerly latitude : as
namely to Eiigronland, Meta Incognita, Estotiland, Tierra
de Labrador, Newfoundland, up the Grand bay, the gulfe of
S. Laurence, and the river of Canada, to Hochelaga and
Saguenay, along the coast of Arambec to the shores and
maines of Virginia and Florida, and on the west or backside
of them both to the rich and pleasant countries of Nueva
Biscay a, Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuie, Quivira, to the 15 provinces
of the kingdome of New Mexico, to the bottome of the gulfe of
California, and up the river of Buena Guia : and likewise to
all the yles, both small and great, lying before the cape of
Florida, the bay of Mexico, and Tierra firma, to the coasts
and inlands of Newe Spaine, Tierra firma and Guiaua, up the
mighty rivers of Orenoque, Dessekebe, and Marannon, to
every part of the coast of Brasil, to the river of Plate, through
the streights of Magellan forward and backward, and to the
south of the said streights as far as 57 degrees : and from
thence on the back side of America along the coastes, har-
bours and capes of Chili, Peru, Nicaragua, Nueva Espanna,
Nueva Galicia, Culiacan, California, Nova Albion, and more
northerly as farre as 43 degrees. Together with the two
renowned and prosperous voyages of Sir Francis Drake and
Mr. Thomas Candish round about the circumference of the
whole earth, and divers other voyages intended and set forth

-III

XXVI n

INTRODUCTION.

for that course. Collected by Richard Hakluyt, preacher,
etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralfe New-
berie and Robert Barker. Anno Dom. 1600."

This and the preceding volume, as we have
already stated, are dedicated to "Sir Robert Cecil,
principall secretarie to Her Majestic." In the de-
dication to the second volume, Hakluyt strongly
urges on the minister the expediency of colonizing
Virginia, and refers to the circumstance of Cecil
having consulted him, in 1597, "touching the state
of the country of Guiana, and whether it were fit
to be planted by the English?" In the de<^ication
to the third volume, Hakluyt takes an opportunity to
refer to the subject of a lectureship on navigation for
the benefit of English mariners, and to urge its esta-
blishment, referring to the good example of Spain in
this respect.

But Hakluyt was not satisfied wiih labouring him-
self, and encouraging others to labour; he endea-
voured to provide against the time when professional
or other cares might interfere with his great pursuit.
In the dedication of the third volume he says:

" As I long since foresaw that my profession of divinity,
the care of my family, and other occasions, might call and
divert me from these kind of endeavours, I therefore have for
three years past encouraged and furthered in these studies of
cosmography and foreign histories my honest, industrious,
and learned friend, Mr. John Pory ; one of special skill and
extraordinary hope to perform great matters in the same and
beneficial to the commonwealth."

The result of this encouragement was a translation

1 1

INTRODUCTION.

XXIX

of the History of Africa by John Leo, commonly
called Leo Africanus, which Mr. Pory published in
the year 1600, with the title —

" A geographical historic of Africa, written in Arabicke
and Italian, by John Leo, a More, borne in Granada and
brought up in Barbaric, etc. Before which out of the best
ancient and moderne writers is prefixed a generall description
of Africa, and also a particular treatise of all the maine lands
and isles undescribed by John Leo. And after the same is
annexed a relation of the great princes and the manifold
religions in that part of the world. Translated and collected
by John Pory, lately of Gonevill and Caius College in Cam-
bridge. Londini, Impensis Georg. Bishop, 1600." Fol.

In his dedication to Sir Robert Cecil, the translator
refers to the interest Hakluyt took in the work, in
the following terms : " M. Richard Hakluyt, who out
of his mature judgement in these studies, knowing
the excellencie of this storie above all others in the
same kinde, was the only man that mooved me to
translate it."

Pory was not the only person whom Hakluyt en-
couraged to make translations of works bearing upon
his favorite pursuit. Parke, in the preface to his
translation of the History of China, from the Spanish
of Gonzalez de Mendoza, bears the following testimony
to his active zeal :

" Which labours I have undertaken at the earnest request
and encouragement of my worshipfuU friend Master Richard
Hakluyt, late of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other
manifolde learning and languages, of singular and deepe
insight in all histories of discoverie and partes of cosmo-
graphie. And also for the zeale he beareth to the honor of

' 111.

XXX

INTROULCTION.

liis countrie and countrimcn brought" the same [i. e. Gon-
zalez de Mendoza's work] first above two years since over
into this courtj" etc.

Again, about the year 1612, P. Erondelle published
a translation of part of Lescarbot's Histoire de la
Nouvelle France^ under the title of —

" Nova Francia, or the description of that part of New
France which is one continent with Virginia. Described in
the three late voyages and plantation made by Monsieur dc
Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Grave, and Monsieur de Poutrin-
court, into the countries called by the French men La Cadie,
lying to the south Mcst of Cape Breton. Together with an
excellent treatise of all the commodities of the sail cowntries,
and manors of the naturall inhabitants of the same, etc.
London, printed for Andrew Webb." 4to.

From tlie preface we learn that Hakluyt was also
the instigator of this work.

" Gentle reader, the whole volume of the navigations of
the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three
bookes) was brought to me to be translated by !Mr. Richard
Hackluyt, a man who for his worthy and profitable labours,
is well known to most men of worth not only of this king-
dome but also of forrain parts, and by him this part was
selected and chosen from the whole vvorke, for the particular
use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodnesse
of the lands of the northern parts heerein mentioned with
that of Virginia, which (though in one and the selfe same
continent, and both lands adjoining) must be far better by
reason it stands more southerly neerer to the sunne, greater
encouragement may be given to prosecute that generous and
goodly action in planting and peopling that country to the
better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the salvation of
innumerable souls, and general benefit of this land, too much

INTltODUCTION.

XXXI

pestred witli over many people. ... If a man that shcwcth
foorth effectually the zealous care he hath to the wcllfare and
commou good of his country descrvcth praises of the same, I
refer to the judgciaunt of them that abhor the viee of ingra-
titude (hateful! above all to Ood and good men) whether the
said Mr. Ilakluyt (as well for tlie first procuring of this
translation, as for many workes of his set out by him for the
good and everlasting fame of the English nation) deserveth
not to veape thankes."

In the following year, 1601, Hakluyt gave to the
world a translation, from the Portuguese, of a work
by Antonio Galvam, entitled —

" Tratado dos varios e divcrsos camiuhos por onde nos
tempos passados a pimenta e espeeiaria veyo da India as
nossas partes e assim de todos os descubrimentos antigos c
modernos que sa5 feitos tdi^ a era de 1550. Com os nomes
particulates das pessoas que os fizerao em que tempos e suas
alturas. Lisboa por Joao Barreira, 1563." 8vo.

This work was edited and published, after the author's
death, by Francesco de Sousa Tavares. To the English
version Hakluyt gave the title —

" The discoveries of the world from their first originall
unto the yeere of our Lord 1555. Briefly written in the
Portugall tongue by Antonie Galvano, Governour of Ternate,
the chiefe island of the Malucos : corrected, quoted, and now
published in English by Richard Hakluyt, sometimes student
of Christchurch in Oxford. Londini, Impensis G. Bishop.
1601." 4to.

This translation was not his own, as he himself
states in the dedicatory epistle to Sir Robert Cecil.
His words are —

" Now touching the translation, it mtiy please you, sir, to

XXXll

INTllODUCTION.

ill!'

f i

be advertised that it was first done into our language by some
honest and well affected marchant of our nation, whose name
by no means I could attain unto, and that, as it seemeth, many
yeeres ago. For it hath lien by me above these twelve
yeeres. In all which space, though I have made much
inquirie and sent to Lisbon, where it seemeth it was printed,
yet to this day I could never obtain the originall copie;
whereby I might reforme the manifold errours of the trans-
lator."

He then proceeds to describe the trouble it cost him
to verify the facts from the original histories, and to
annex the marginal quotations to the work.

His last publication was a translation of Fernando
de Souto's discoveries in Florida, which he printed
under the following title :

" Virginia richly valued by the description of the maine
land of Florida her next neighbour : out of the foure yeeres
continuall travell and discovcrie for above one thousand miles
east and west of Don Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred
able men in his companie. Wherin are truly observed the
riches and fertilitie of those parts abounding with things
necessarie, pleasant and profitable for the life of man : with
the natures and dispositions of the inhabitants. Written by
a Portugall gentleman of Elvas emploied in all the action,
and translated out of Portugese by Richard Hakluyt. At
London, printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew Lownes,
1609." 4to.

This work was evidently intended to encourage the
young colony in Virginia, and procure support for
the undertaking. The hardships, naturally attendant
upon the first attempts at colonization in Virginia,
had been greatly increased by mismanagement, and

INTRODUCTION.

XXXUl

the losses and discouragement of the settlers had ar-
rived at such a height that, but for the opportune
arrival of Lord Delawarr in the month of June, 1610,
the colony would have been abandoned ; the settlers
being actually on their way to the sea coast when
they were met by their new governor, with supplies
of stores and men. It was, probably, for the purpose
of again stimulating the exertions of the colonists,
depressed by much suffering, and of procuring the
additional support, of which they stood so much in
need, that in the year 1611 the title of the Virginia
richly valued^ was altered as follows :

" The worthye and famous historie of the travailes, disco-
very, and conquest of that great continent of Terra Florida,
being lively paraleld with that of our now inhabited Virginia.
As also the comodities of the said country, with divers excel-
lent and rich mynes of golde, silver, and other metals, etc.,
which cannot but give us a great and exceeding hope of our
Virginia, being so neere of one continent, etc. Loudon,
printed for Matthew Lownes, 1611." 4to.

The preface is addressed "To the right honorable
the right worshipfull counsellors, and others, the
cheerefuU adventurers for the advancement of that
Christian and noble plantation in Virginia", whom,
perhaps, it was found necessary to excite by a direct
reference to " riche mynes of golde, silver, and other
metals." It will be evident from all that has been
said, that Hakluyt took a deep interest in the success
of the Virginian colony. Robertson, in his History of
America^ vol.iv, p. 171, 10th edit., bears honorable tes-
timony to our author, in the following words : " The

W '1

\i ill!

' 1

i"!f

i,Ht

XXXIV

INTRODUCTION.

most active and efficacious promoter of t'.is (the
colonization of Virginia) was Richard Hakluyt, pre-
bendary of Westminster, to whom England is more
indebted for its American possessions than to any
man of that age."

The esteem in which he was held by mariners is
evidenced by the fact, that in a voyage of discovery
made by Hudson in the year 1608, at the charge of
the Muscovy company, a promontory, on the continent
of Greenland, was named Hakluyt's Headland ;^ and
three years later, in a voyage of discovery to Pechora,
in Russia, made at the expense of the same company,
by William Gourdon, a river was named by the navi-
gators Hakluyt's River.^

We have already mentioned that his estate de-
scended to his son, who is reported to have squandered
it. His unpublished manuscripts, sufficient to have
formed a fourth volume to his Collection, had a better
fate, by falling into the hands of Purchas, who in-
serted them, in an abridged form, in his Pilgrimes.
It is to be regretted that this compiler should have
adopted the plan of curtailing all his narratives ; we
get more facts, within a given compass, it is true, but
this advantage is more than compensated by the loss
of the interest, and indeed confidence, which a genuine
unabridged narrative always inspires. Purchas, how-
ever, was fully able to appreciate the merit of such a

' Purchas, vol. iii, p. 464. The name of Hakluyt's Headland
no longer exists, nor can the locality be identified.

2 Purchas, vol. iii, p. 531. This river cannot be identified at
the present day.

INTRODUCTION.

XXXV

man as Hakluyt, and has not neglected to give him the
praise he deserves; "thereby", says Oldys, "concurring
with those writers of established judgment who have
distinguished, according to his deserts, the surpassing
knowledge and learning, diligence and fidelity, of this
naval historian."

In Wood's Athence 0,vomenses, edit. Bliss, a refer-
ence to three of Hakluyt's manuscripts, in the Selden
Collection, is given as follows : viz., —

1. "Notes of certain commodities in good request in the
East Indies, the Moluccas, and China.'' 2. " The chiefe
places where sondry sorte of spices do growe in the East
Indies, gathered out of sondry the best and latest authors by
R. Hackluyt." 3. " The remembrance of what is good to
bring from the Indyes into Spayne, being good marchandize
and bowght by him that is skillfull and trusty."

These manuscripts the Editor has printed in the
Appendix to this work. There is every reason to con-
jecture that these notes were drawn up for the use of
some body of merchants ; the nature of the notes
themselves, and the language used in several places,
leave little room for doubt on this point. The ques-
tion is, for whose use were they intended ? It is not
probable that they were framed for the Muscovy Com-
pany, which had been incorporated by Philip and Mary
as far back as the year 1554, and, in all probability,
stood in little need of such assistance. But in the year
1600, the date of the Notes, Queen Ehzabeth granted a
charter to an association of merchants, with whose
gigantic growth there is no parallel in the history of
commercial success. This association, "The United

XXX VI

INTRODUCTION.

Company of Merchants of England trading to the East
Indies", commonly called " The East India Company",'
sent out their first venture in the same year. Notes
such as those drawn up by Hakluyt, contain precisely
the information which would be required by men about
to trade to the East ; and when we look at the coinci-
dence in the dates of the charter and the notes, we
cannot but come to the conclusion that it was for
the use of the East India Company that Hakluyt
framed them.*

"We now turn to the discussion of Hakluyt's
first publication, the Divers Voyages touching the
Discoverie of America. This work is of extreme
rarity ; when perfect it contains two maps, fac-
similes of which are given with this edition. We
are not aware of the existence of more than five
copies of the book ; and of these two only con-
tain both the maps, and a third has one map. The
two perfect copies are in the British Museum. One
of these was acquired in the year 1841, at the
sale of the library of the late Mr. George Chalmers,
and is the most interesting of all, having the auto-
graph signature of the author subscribed to the

1 This is now their legal title by the 3rd and 4th Wm. IV, c. 85,
s. 111.

' The Editor's acknowledgments are due to Thomas Randall,
Esq. of the East India House, for his kindness in searching in the
archives of the Company fc;* evidence of these notes having been
communicated to it. Memoranda of " What the Indies do vent",
etc. were found by that gentleman, but not in such a form as to
identify them with the " Notes". This want of success, however,
can hardly be considered to aifect the question.

INTRODUCTION.

XXXVll

" Epistle Dedicatorie", and of which signature a fac-
simile is here given.

The second is contained in the Grenville Collection.
A third copy is in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford :
this copy has only one map, that by Michael Lok. A
fourth copy is in the possession of Mr. Edward A.
Crowninshield, of Boston, with the maps supplied in
fac-simile ; and the fifth is in the library of Mr. James
Lennox, of New York, the maps being also supplied
in fac-simile.^

It may be said of this, as of every other work of

' At a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, held in the month
of March 1850, a copy of Michael Lok's map was exhibited by
Mr. Payne Collier, and a letter read, addressed by that gen-
tleman to the president, comprising " Some observations on Richard
Hakluyt, and American discoveries." Speaking of the ** Divers
Voyages", Mr. Collier says ; " Another copy has come to light,
from which the map before the society has l..>en extracted for
exhibition this evening ; and I apprehend that a third copy of the
volume is preserved in the cabinet of a chary lover of old books,
who was glad to obtain it at a high price, although it has not
either of the maps that properly belong to it." Unfortunately, the
names of the lucky possessors, or supposed possessors of these
copies, are not given by Mr. Collier. The map, so exhibited,
makes the fourth known, and not, as Mr. Collier supposes, only
the second.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION.

which Hakluyt was either the author or promoter,
that it had a direct and practical object. At the
period when he commenced his geographical studies
there was but one English book in existence present-
ing even a limited view of maritime discovery ; viz.,
Eden's Historie of Traoayle ; and this was confined
to a translation of four decades of Peter Martyr, of
Oviedo's History of the West Indies, and of extracts
from various writers on geographical subjects, as Zi-
glerus, Paulus Jovius, Haiton, Herberstein, and others.
The English, in general, knew little of what had
been accomplished by their own countrymen, and
still less of the labours of foreigners. Merchant ad-
venturers collected information for the purposes of
their traffic, but they had no interest in making it
public, and a gold-mine, or a galleon, was in general
the real object of expeditions professing to aim at
higher purposes. With this spirit pervading all classes,
it is not surprising that Hakluyt should express him-
self in the following language, in his epistle dedicatory
to Sir Robert Cecil, prefixed to the English transla-
tion of Galvam's work :

" Now if any man shall marvel that, in these discoveries of
the world for the space almost of fower thousand yeeres here
set downe, our nation is scarce fower times mentioned, he
is to understand that when this author ended his discourse
(which was about the yeere of grace 1555) there was little
extant of men's travailes. And for aught I can see there
had no great matter yet come to light if my selfe had not
undertaken that heavie burden, being never therein enter-
tained to any purpose untill I had recourse unto yourselfe,
by whose speciall favour and bountifull patronage I have

INTRODUCTION.

XXXIX

been often much encouraged and as it were revived. Which
travailes of our men, because as yet they be not come to
ripenes, and liave been made for the most part to places first
discovered by others, when they shall come to more perfection
and become more profitable to the adventurers, will then be
more fit to be reduced into briefe epitomes by myselfe or
some other endued with an honest zeale of the honor of our
country."

And, again, in the preface to the first volume of the
second edition of his General Collection, he says, —

" For the bringing of which into this homely and rough-
hewn shape which here thou seest, what restlesse nights,
what painefuU dayes, what heat, what cold, I have endured ;
how many long and changeable journeys I have travailed ;
how many famous libraries I have searched into ; what va-
rietie of ancient and modeme writers I have perused ; what
a number of old records, patents, privileges, letters, etc., I
have redeemed from obscuritie and perishing : into how ma-
nifold acquaintance I have entred ; what expenses I have not
spared; and yet what faire opportunities of private gaine,
preferment and ease I have neglected, albeit thyselfe canst
hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde and feele,
and some of my entier friends can sufficiently testifie," etc.

At the period when this was written the history of
travel was in truth to the English reader all but a
blank, and it is not too much to say, that when our
author wished to enlist the sympathies of his country-
men in favour of his enlightened views for the moral
and political improvement of the nation, he found few
or no evidences to which he could point in support of
his proposals.

Haklnyt was an ardent advocate for emigration. But

INTRODUCTION.

■sr;

.JH

emigration to the states of a foreign power would give
strength to such power at the expense of England.
In order to be beneficial it must be connected with a
sound system of colonization ; and he naturally looked
towards the vast continent of America as the only field
upon which any such system could be carried out with
efifect. Here again he had to find information not
only for the nation at large, but for those through
whom the accomplishment of his designs was to be
effected. For this purpose he brought together va-
rious accounts showing the discovery of the whole of
the east coast of North America. The materials for
this collection had to be gathered from various sources.
One only was printed to his hand, viz. Ribault's dis-
covery of Florida, and this, he informs us, was so rare,
that had he not reprinted it, it would have utterly
perished. The rest were either in manuscript or
printed in a foreign language. A very slight examina-
tion of this little work will show that it is skilfully put
together for the object in view. After a list of writers
of geography and another of travellers, we have a
short chapter showing the great probability of a pas-
sage to India by the north-west. This is followed by
the epistle dedicatorie to " Master Phillip Sydney,
Esquire," in which the author explains his views upon
many subjects : The letters patent granted by King
Henry VII to John Cabot and his three sons for ex-
ploring unknown regions : and, A note of Sebastian
Cabot's voyage to the coast of North America. We
then have a declaration of the Indies and lands disco-
vered unto the emperor and the king of Portugal,

INTRODUCTION.

xli

written by Robert Thome, and showing that the
northern part of America remained for " King Henrie
the Eight to take in hande" ; and The booke made by
Master Robert Thorne, being an information of the
parts of the world discovered by him [the Emperor
Charles V] and the king of Portingale ; and also of the
way to the Moluccaes by the north. This is followed
by the relation of John Verazzani, in which he gives
an account of his voyage of discovery along the eastern
coast of America from about South Carolina to New-
foundland. Then come the Discoverie of the Isles of
Frisland, etc., made by Nicolas Zeno and his brother
Antonio ; and The discovery of Florida by Captain
John Ribault. Having thus given the reader the
fullest particulars then known respecting the coast of
America, he proceeds with notes given to Arthur Pett
and Charles Jackraan, sent bv the merchants of the
Muscovy Company for the discovery of the north-east
streight, " not altogether unfit for some other enter-
prises of discoverie hereafter to be taken in hande."
These notes are evidently framed with a view to com-
mercial enterprise, but they are followed by " Notes
to bee given to one that prepared for a discoverie",
which are drawn up as instructions to colonists. The
whole is wound up by the " Names of certain commo-
dities growing in part of America not presently inha-
bited by any Christians from Florida northward",
containing a goodly list of objects available both for
the necessaries and the luxuries of life.

In a work so suggestive as this before us, it is dif-
ficult to avoid the innumerable temptations to dis-

xlii

INTRODUCTION.

cursiveness which beset almost every page. Minute
annotation would, however, be out of place in the
present instance. No more notes, therefore, have
been given than appeared to be necessary for the pro-
per elucidation of the text, reserving for this Intro-
duction such further remarks as might be desirable
for the purpose of illustration. These will now be
made, in as concise a form as possible, upon the
several pieces, in the order in which they occur in
the Collection.

Our author commences with " The names of certaine
late writers of Geographic, with the yeere wherein
they wrote", and " The names of certaine late travay-
lers, both by sea and by lande, which also for the
most part have written of their owne travayles and
voyages."

In order to make these lists really useful, the
works of the respective authors should be enumerated.
This deficiency it is now proposed to supply, giving
in every instance the title of the first edition, where
it could be ascertained.

1. Ismail Ibn Ali Abulfeda. The work which
entitles him to a place in this list is named " Taku-
wimu 1-boldan" (i. e.. The description of the coun-
tries), and is the most complete and best geographical
work in Arabic. Portions have been published from
time to time by European scholars, as follows :

I. Descriptio Chorasmiae et Mawaralnahrae {i. e., regionum
extra Oxum) . Arabice cum versione J. Gravii. Lon-
dini, 1650. 4to.

INTRODUCTION.

xliii

II. Descriptio Peninsulse Arabire (printed with the Descriptio
Chorasmiie), Arab. Lat. ; in vol. 3 of Geographia; vetcris
Scriptores Groeci minores. [Edited by J. Hudson.] Oxo-
niffi, 1C98-1712. 8vo.

III. Tabula Syrise, Arabice cum vcrsione Latina et notis J. B.
Koeliler, et cum observationibua J. J. Rciskii. Lipsise,
1766. 4to.

IV. Descriptio yEgypti, Arab. Lat. et cum notis J. D. Mi-
chaelis. Goettingse, 1776. 8vo.

V. Tabulae qusedam geographicae . . . nunc primum Arabice

ed. F. T. Rinck. Lipsiie, 1791. 8vo.
VI. Descriptio regionum Nigritarum, Arabice. Printed at

the end of Makrizi^ Historia Regum Islamiticorum in

Abissinia . . . cum versione Latina F. T. Rinck. Lugduni

Batavorum, 1790. 4to.

2. Sir John Mandeville. He wrote an account of
his travels in the east. This work is said to have
been composed originally in French in the year 1355,
at Liege, to which place he had retired some years
before his death. We give the titles of four editions
(in as many languages), which were printed prior to
the year 1500.

Ce livre est eppelle madeville et fut fait et compose par
monsieur jehan de mande^'ille chevallier natif dagleterre
de la ville de saict alel. Et parle de la terre de promis-
sion cest assavoir de Jerusalem et de pluseurs autres isles
de mer et les diverses et estranges choses qui sont es
dites isles. End. Cy finist ce tresplaisant livre nome
Mandeville.. ..Et fut fait la 1480 le un jour davril. Fol.
This is supposed by Brunet to be the first edition in any
language.

The first Italian edition is without title, but has the
following colophon :

xliv

INTRODUCTION.

)' ■ ■

Explicit Johannes tV MSdcvilln imprcssus Mcdiolani ductu
et nuapiciiH ningititri Petri de corneno pridie Callcndns
nugusti 1480. Johano Oalcazio Maria Sfortia Viceco-
mittc Duce uostro invictisaimo ac principe Jucondis-
simo. 4to.

Itincrarius domini JohSnis do mSdcvillo militis. Printed
about tbe year 1480. 4to.

It is not certain whether the first English edition
was that printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1499, or
that by Pynson, without date. Pynson's, however,
was probably earlier than 1499; it has no title, but
the colophon is as follows :

Here endeth the boke of John Maimdvyle knyglit of
wayes to Jerusalem and of marveylys of ynde and of
other countrees. Emprented by Rychard Pynson. 4to.

3. Albert Krantz. His historical and geographical
works are —

I. Polonise et reipublicse descriptio. Erfurti, 1575 ; fol.
n. Vandalia. Colonise, 1519; fol.

III. Regnorum aquilonarium Danise, Suecise, Norvagiie,
Chronica. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1575 j fol.

IV. Saxonia. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1575 ; fol.

4. Pietro Martire Anghiera. His works are —

I. Opera. Legatio Babylonicaj Oceani decas (one only) ;
Foemata; Epigrammata. Hispali, per Jacobu Corum-
berger, 1511 j fol.
II. De Orbe novo decades tres (with the Legatio Babylo-
nica) . Alcala, 1516 ; fol.

III. De Orbe novo decades (viii). First complete edition.
Compluti, 1530; fol.

IV. De nuper sub Carolo repertis insulis, simulq : incolarum
moribus, R. Petri Martyris Enchiridion, Dominae Mar-
garitse Diui Max. Cses. filise dicatura. Basilese, 1531 ; 4to.

INTRODUCTION.

xlv

V. Opus cpistolaru Petri Mnrtyris Anglerii lyicdiolnticMis
Protonotnrii aplici ntq : a cosiliis reru Indicaru nuc
pmu ct natu ct mediocri cura excustim : cpiod tide
praitcr stili vcnustatc nostroru qq} tcporum historic loco
esse potcrit. Copluti, 1530; fol.

5. Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez. He
wrote —

I. La historia general y natural de las Indias Occidcntalca.
Toledo, 152G j fol.

II. La historia del estrecho de Magallancs; which also
forms book xx of the preceding work. Printed sepa-
rately, 1 552 ; fol.

III. Navegacion del rio Maranon. Printed in Ramusio ;
vol. 3, p. 415, edit. 1565.

6. Robert Thome. What he wrote appeared for
the first tinae in the " Divers voyages".

7. Girolarao Fracastoro. His geographical writ-
ings are comprised in his letters to Giainbattista
Ramusio, in which, amongst other subjects, he dis-
cusses at considerable length the periodical risings
of the Nile. — Ramusio, vol. i, fol. 284 b. Edit.
1550.

8. Reinerus Gemma. He wrote a cosmography,
also " Charta, qua continetur totius orbis descriptio",
and "De principiis astronomia) et cosmographia) ac
usu globi a se editi"; all which occur in the following
work:

I. Cosmographia Petri Apiani per Gemmam Fvisium....jam
demum ab omnibus vindlcata mendis, ac tioniiullis quo-
que locis aucta. Additis ejusdem argumenti libellis
ipsius Gemmsc Frisii. An1;verpia3, Gregorio Bontio, 1550 ;
4to.

xlvi

INTRODUCTION.

II. De Astrolabo Catholico Liber; which is inserted in
Joannes Bellerus's edition of the Cosmographia of
Appianus and Gemma, printed at Antwerp in 1584; 4to.

9. Antonio de Mendoza. His papers and despa ohes
were used by Herrera in the composition of his
" Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en
las islas y tierra firrae del mar Oceano"; and he also,
while viceroy, caused a work to be written, entitled
" De las cosas naturales y maravillosas de Nueva
Hispafia", the authorship of which has been generally
attributed to him.

10. Gerard Mercator. Besides the numerous maps
and charts laid down by him, he published —

I. Tabulae geographicse ad mentem Ptolemaei restitutse et
emendatse. Lovanii, 1589 ; fol.

11. Chronologia a mundi exordio ad annum 1568, ex eclyp-
sibus & observationibus astronomicis ac Bibliis sacris ;
opus Onuphrio Panvinio probatum. Coloniae, 1568 ; fol.

III. De usu annuli Astronomici. Lovanii, 1552.

IV. He edited also Globi terrestris Sculptura, 1541. And,
V. Globi coelestis Sculptura. Lovanii, 1551.

VI. Gallise tabulae gcographicse. Germanise tabulae geogra-

phicae. Duysburgi Clivorum, 1585 ; fol.
VII. Italiae, Sclavoniae et Graeciae tabulae geographicae.

Duisburgi, 1589; fol.
VIII. Atlas, sive cosmographicae meditationes et fabrica mundi

et fabricati figura. Duisburgi Clivorum, 1595; fol.

11. Giovanni Battista Guicciardini. He published
a map, entitled —

Universi terrarum orbis imago, maxima forma; quam
aquila biceps, alis expansis, comprehendit. Antverpise,
1549.

1
1486

INTRODUCTION.

xlvii

12. Giovanni Battista Ramusio.' He compiled
three volumes of voyages and travels ; the first was
published anonymously, the second and third with
his name. The first volume, which appeared in 1550,
has the following title —

Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi nel qual si contiene
la descrittione dell' Africa, et del paese del Prete Janni,
con varii viaggi del mar Rosso a Calicut et insin al?
Isole Molucche dove nascono le spetierie et la naviga-
tione attorno il mondo. In Venetia, appresso gU heredi
di Lucantonio Giunti, I'anno 1550.

The second volume appeared in 1559; and the third,
three years earlier, viz., in 1556. That which is
called the second volume was not published until two
years after Ramusio's death. The titles of these
volumes, as taken in an abridged form from the
editions of 1574 and 1565, are as follows:

Secondo volume delle navigationi, etc. Nel quale si con-
tengono I'Historia delle cose de' Tartari e diver si fatti
de' loro iraperatori....varie descrittioni di diversi auttori
dell' Indie Orientali, della Tartaria, della Persia, Arme-
nia, Mengrelia, Zorzania, e altre provincie, &c. Et il
viaggio della Tana. Con la descrittione de' nomi de'
popoli, cittk, flumi et por*\ d'intorno al mar Maggiore,
&c. In Venetia nella stamperia de' Giunti, 1574 ; fol.

Terzo volume delle navigationi, &c. Nel quale si con-
tengono le navigationi al mondo nuovo, agli antichi
incognito, fatte da Don Christoforo Colombo.. ..con gl'
acquisti fatti da lui e accresciuti poi da Fernando Cor-
tese, da Francesco Pizarro et altri valorosi capitani, &c.

' *i

' ■

' Ramusio was born at Trevigi in 1485, and not at Venice in
1486, as erroneoubly stated in Note 11, at the foot of p. 3.

xlviii

INTRODUCTION.

;

MJ*

Lc navigation! fatte dipoi alle dette Indie postc nella
parte verso maestro Tramoutana dette hora la Nuova
Francia, &c. In Venetia nella stamperia de' Giunti,
1565 ; fol.

The materials for a fourth volume had been col-
lected, but were destroyed by fire at the printer's.

13. Sebastian Munster. He was the author of —

I. Cosmographei oder Besclireibung allcr Lander, Hecr-
schaften, furnemsten Stetten, Geschictcn, Gebreuchen,
Hantierungen, etc. Zum dritten mal trefflich sere
gemeret und gebessert. Basil, H. Petri, 1550; fol.

The first edition was printed at the same place, and
by the same printer, in 1541. From this work Richard
Eden translated —

A treatise of the newe India with other new founde landes
and ilandes, as well eastwarde as westwarde, as they are
knowen and found in these oure dayes, after the descrip-
cion of Sebastian Munster in his bokc of universall cos-
mographie. London, by Edward Sutton, 1553; 8vo.

II. Tabulae novae ad geographiam Ptolcmaei adjectaj.

III. Dcscriptio Germaniae pro tabula Nic. Cusae intelligcnda,
cum canone ejusdem tabulae. Printed in Schardius,
Historicum opus, commonly called Rerum Germanica-
rum Scriptores. Tom. i. Basileae ; fol.

14. Tommaso Giunti. The only connexion he
appears to have had with the history of maritime
discovery, was as one of the printers of Ramusio's
Collection of Voyages and Travels. In 1559, after
the death of Ramusio which occurred in 1557, Tom-
maso Giunti printed a second volume of the Collection,
with a preface laudatory of Ramusio. At the end of
the account of the Discovery of the Isles of Frisland,

INTRODUCTION.

xlix

etc., posty p. 90, this passage occurs : " This discourse
was collected by Ramusio, secretarie to the state of
Venice (or by the printer, Thos. Giunti). John
Baptista Ramusio died in Padua in July 1557."

15. Clement Adams. See post under Richard
Chancellor, No. 41.

16. Oronce Fin6. His works are —

1. Dc mundi sphsera sive cosmograpliiae libri v. Parisiis,

1530; fol.
II. Nouvelle description de la France (a map). Paris,

1525.
Ill and IV. Two other maps, entitled, respectively ; Nova

descriptio terrarum ad intelligentiam utriusque testa-

racnti maxime conducentium. Paiisiis, 1536: And;

Cr s totius recens et integra descriptio ad cordis humanl

f I ; C'it. Farisiis, 1536.

17. Abraham Ortel. His geographical works
are —

I. Theatrum orbis terrarum. Antwerp, 1570; fol.
II. Synonymia geographica. Antwerp, 1578 ; 4to.

III. Thesatu*us geographicus. Antwerp, 1596 ; fol.

IV. Italiae antiques specimen. Antwerp, 1584; fol.
v. Gallia Cisalpina. Antwerp, 1590 ; fol.

VI. Itinerarium per nonnullas Gallise Belgicse partes, ab
Ortelio et Joanne Viviano descriptum. 1584; 12mo.

VII. Parergon, sive veteris Geographiaj aliquot tabulae ; item
nomenclator Ptolemaicus. Antwerp, 1595 ; fol.

VIII. Descriptio civitatum in agro Leodiensi. In number 2
of M. Z. Boxhornii autores prsecipui de Leodiensi rc-
publica. Amsterdam, 1633; 16mo.

IX. Tabula veteris et novae Hispanise. In the Hispania illus-
trata. Tom. 1. Franckfort, 1603; fol.

18. Jeronimo Osorio. He wrote, inter alia —

INTRODUCTION.

Le rebus Emmanuelis regis Lusitanise virtute et auspicio
gestis libri duodecim. Ulyssiponae, 1571 ; fol.

This work contains an account of the discoveries
and conquests by the Portuguese in the East Indies.

19. Andr^ Thevet. He laid down several maps,
and also wrote —

I. Cosmographie du Levant. Lion, Jean de Tournes,

1556; 4to.
II. Les singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement
nommee Amerique, et de plusieurs terres et isles decou-
vertes de nostre temps. Anvers, C. Plantin, 1558 j
8vo.

III. Cosmographie universelle. Paris, Lhuillier, 1575; fol.

IV. Le grand insulaire et pilotage.
V. Description de plusieurs isles.

VI. Second voyage dans les terres australes et occidentales.

The last three works are in manuscript, in the
Bibliotheque du Roi, at Paris'.

20. Fran9ois Belleforest. He edited, with great
additions and numerous alterations, Munster's Cos-
mography, under the title —

La Cosmographie universelle de tout le monde....Auteur
en partie Munster, mais beaucoup plus augmentee, ornee
et enrichie par F. de Belleforest, tant de ses recherches,
comme de I'aide de plusieurs memoires par hommes
amateurs de I'histoire et de leur patrie. 2 vols. Paris,
chez Michel Sonnius, 1575 ; fol.

21. Sir Humfrey Gilbert. He wrote —

A discourse of a discovery for a new passage to Cataia.
Imprinted at London, by Henry Middleton, for Richard
Ihones. 1576, Aprilis 12; 4to.

In this work there is a curious map, with the title

INTRODUCTION.

fol.

" A general map, made onelye for the particular
declaration of this discovery"; in which all impedi-
ments in the way of the north-west passage are cleared
away in a most summary manner.

22. Dionysius Settle. He wrote —

A true reporte of the last [or rather the second] voyage
into the west and northwest regions, &c., 1577, worthily
atchieved by captaine Frobisher, of the sayde voyage
the first finder and generall. With a description of the
people there inhabiting, and other circumstances notable.
London, by Henrie Middleton, 1577 ; 8vo.

Two editions of this work were printed in the
year 1577.

23. George Best. He wrote an account of the
three voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher for the disco-
very of the north-west passage, under the title of —

A true discourse of the late voyages of discoverie, for the
finding of a passage to Cathaya by the north-weast, under
the conduct of Martin Frobisher, generall ; devided into
three bookes. In the first wherof is shewed his first
voyage, wherein also, by the way, is sette out a geogra-
phical description of the worlde, and what partes thereof
have bin discovered by the navigations of the English-
men. Also, there are annexed certayne reasons to prove
all partes of the worlde habitable, with a generall mappe
adjoyned. In the second is set out his second voyage,
with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the thirde
is declared the strange fortunes which hapned in the
third voyage, with a severall description of the countrey
and the people there inhabiting. With a particular card
thereunto adjoyned of meta incognita, so farre forth
as the secretes of the voyage may permit. Loudon,
1578] 4to.

I!,

INTRODUCTION.

24. Nicholas Chancellor. He drew up —

The second journal of Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman, in
their discoverie northeastward, in the yeere 1580, with
two barkes, the one called the William, the other the
George. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 476.

25. The Rabbi Benjamin Ben Jonah. He wrote
an account of his travels in Hebrew ; the first edition
of which in that language was published at Constan-
tinople, at the Soncino press, in 1543, in 8vo. The
earliest Latin edition has the following title :

Itinerarium Benjaiuini Tudelensis, in quo res memorabiles
quas ante quadringentos annos totum fere terrarum
orbem notatis itineribus dimensus vel ipse vidit vel a
fide dignis suae setatis hominibus accepit, breviter atque
dilucide describuntur ; ex Hebraica Latinum factum,
Bened. Aria Montano interprete. Antwerpi8e,1575j 8vo.

26. Marco Polo. His work comprises an account
of the travels of his father Nicol6, his uncle Mafifeo,
and himself, in the east. There has been much
discussion, whether the account of these travels was
written originally in Italian or in Latin ; but it
appears to be now generally admitted, that it was
composed by Marco in the Venetian dialect, and not
in the Latin language. Transcripts and translations
were, however, speedily multiplied ; and in the year
1477, the first printed copy issued from the press.
This, however, was neither in Latin nor in Italian,
but in German. The following is the title :

Hie hebt sich an das puch des edeln Ritters vn landtfarers
Marcho polo. In dem er schreibt die grossen wunder-
lichen ding dieser welt. Sunderlichen von den grossen
kiinigeu vud keysern die da herschen in den selbigcn

INTRODUCTION,

liii

landen vnd von irem volck vnd seiner gewonheit da
selbs. End. Diss hat gedruckt Friez Creiissner zu
Nurinberg, 1477; fol.

The first edition in Italian was printed at Venice
by " Zoanne Baptista da Sessa" in the year 1496,
with the following title :

Marco Polo da Veniesia de le merauegliose cose del
luondo; 8vo.

The Latin edition, like many books printed in the
fifteenth century, has no title-page, but begins as
follows :

In nomine dni nri ihu xpi filii dei viui et veri amen. In-
cipit plogus i libro dni marci pauli de venecijs de cosue-
tudinibus et codicionibus orientaliu regionu. It was
printed about the year 1490 ; 4to.
27. Hatto. He drew up an account of various
places in the east. His work is said to have been
written in the French language, and it has been trans-
lated into many others. We give the titles of four
editions {i. e., two in French, one in Latin, and one
in English), all of which were printed within a short
time of each other, and between each of which there
is more or less variation. That which immediately
follows is supposed to be the earliest.

L'hystori merveilleuse, plaisante et recreative du grad
empereur de Tartaric seigneur des Tartres nome le grad
Can. Cotenat six livres ou parties : Dont le premier
traicte des singularitez et conditions des xiiii Royaulmes
de Asye subjectz audict grand Chan. Le second parle
des empereurs qui....ont regne et encore a present regnent
en Asie„..Le tiers descript ^Ue chose on doibt faire avat
que commencer la guerre. Le quart parle du voyage
q fist ung religieux des frcrcs pscheurs allant....oultru

liv

INTRODUCTION.

mer preacher les me8creas....Le ciuqesme c5tiet commet
ung aultre religicux dcs freres mineurs alia oultre mer
pour preacher les infidelles. Et fust jusques en la terre
prebstre Jan....Le sixiesme pie du pays de surye et des
villes sur mer degipte du desert du mot de Synay darabe
&c. Imprimee nouvellement a Paris en Van 1529^ pour
Jehan sainct denys ; fol.

In the commencement of this edition, it is stated that
the author, after having for a long time followed the
profession of arms under his uncle the king of Arme-
nia, became a monk of the Premonstratensian Order
in the kingdom of Cyprus in the abbey of the Epi-
phany, in which he wrote this book in the year 1310.
And that this book was translated from Latin into
French by Jean de Londit, a Benedictine monk of
the abbey of St. Berlin, at St. Omer, in the year 1351.
Another French edition, printed without date, but
certainly within a few years of the above, differs
from it materially both in language and substance,
and is entitled as follows :

Les fleurs des hystoyres de la terre Dorient. Copillees par
frere Haycon seigneur du core et cousin germain du roy
Darmenie par le comandement du pape. Et sont divisees
en cinq parties. La premiere partie contient la situa-
tion des royaulmes Dorient. La seconde parle des
seigneurs q en orient ont regne depuis lincarnation de
nre seigneur. La tierce partie parle des tartarins. La
quarte pie des sarrazins et des turcz depuis le pmier
jusqs aux presens ^ ont conqueste rliodes, hongrie et
dernieremet assailly Austriche. La v. parle de Sophy
roy de Perse et du prince Taraburlan. Nouvellement
imprimee a Paris. 4to. With the device of Denis Jauot
on the verso of the last leaf.

INTRODUCTION.

The earliest Latin translation has the following
title :

Liber historiarum partium Orientis sive passagium terroc
sanctee, Haythono ordinis prsemonstratensis authore :
scriptus anno Redemptoris nostri 1300. Haganose, per
Johan. Sec. 4 anno 1529 ; 4to.

The preface to this edition, after stating that it was
compiled by Haytho, adds: — "Which I, Nicholas
Salconi, by command of Pope Clement V, first wrote
in the French language in the city of Poitiers, as the
said Friar Haytho verbally dictated it to me, without
note or copy. And from the French I have trans-
lated it into Latin in the year 1307."

Not later than the same year (1529), Richard
Pynson printed an English translation in folio, cor-
responding very closely with the Latin edition, but
with the addition of matter not found in any of the
three editions above mentioned. The title is —

Here begynneth a lytell cronycle translated and imprinted
at the cost and charge of Rycharde Pynson, by the
comaundement of the ryght high and mighty prince
Edwarde dnke of Buckingham, yerle of Gloucestre
Staffarde and of Northampton.

It is stated in the colophon, that this chronicle was
translated out of French.

28. Nicol6 and Antonio Zeno. The account of the
travels of these brothers was published in the year
1558. The following is the title of the work in which
it is found :

Dei Commentarii del viaggio in Persia di M. Caterino Zeno
11 K. e delle guerre fatte nell' imperio Persiano dal tempo

^-^t■y

INTRODUCTION.

di Ussuncassano in qui. Libri due. Et dcUo scopri-
mento dell* Isole Frieslanda, Eslanda^ Engrovelanda,
Estotilanda, et Icaria fatto sotto il Polo Artico da due
fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolo il K. e M. Antonio. Libro uno.
Con un disegno particolare di tutte le dette parti di Tra-
montana da lor scoperte. In Venetia, per Francesco
Marcolini, 1558; 12mo.

29. Nicol6 di Conti. He communicated hia travels
in the east to Poggio Bracciolini, by whom they were
committed to writing in the Latin language, and form
the fourth book of his Historia de varietate fortuncR^
first published in 1723, by D. Georgi, from a manu-
script in the Ottoboni Library. Georgi says in his
preface, that this fourth book was published sepa-
rately about 1492 : " Quartus vero continet elegantem
...Indiae...descriptionem quam a Nicolao de Comitibus
cive Veneto qui tum ex iis oris venerat Florentiae
hausit. Hie porro liber separatim prodiit circa annum
1492." No authority is given for this latter assertion ;
nor does an edition of 1492 appear to be known.
Ramusio has inserted a translation into his Collection,
vol. i, p. 365, edit. 1550; but his translation was made
from a Portuguese version by Valentin Fernandez.

30. Cristoforo Colombo. The letters of Columbus
comprise accounts of his first, third, and fourth
voyages of discovery to the West Indies. The first
letter, which was written in Spanish on the 14th of
March 1493, was translated into Latin and published
in the same year, with the title :

Epistola Christofori Colom : cui etas nostra multum debet ;
de insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper invetis. Ad quas
perquirendas octavo antea mense auspiciis et ere invic-

INTRODUCTION.

Ivii

tissimorum Fernandi ac Ilclisabet Hispaniar regu missus
fuerat ; ad magnificum dnrn Gabrielem Sanchcs ; corun-
dem Serenissimorum Regum Tcsaiirariu missa: Qua*
generosus ac litteratus vir Leandcr do Cosco ab Hispana
idiomate in Latinu covertit ; tcrtio kaleii Maii, 1493.
Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti anno primo. Impressit
Romae Eucharius Argentcus anno diii 1493 ; 4to.

The remaining letters, and also a memorial relating
to the second voyage, and addressed to Ferdinand and
Isabella, are printed in " Navarrete, Colleccion de los
viages y descubrimicntos que hicieron por mar los
Espanoles desde fines del siglo 15." Madrid, 1825;
8vo.

31. Sebastian Cabot. Hakluyt refers to " Mappes
and Discourses drawne and written by himself (Cabot),
which are in the custodie of the Worshipful Master
William Worthington, etc." {post p. 26) ; but they are
no longer to be found. The " Navigatione nelle parti
settentrionali", generally attributed to him, and in-
serted in the second volume of Ramusio, edit. 1583,
is nothing more than the Journal of Stephen Burrough's
" Navigation and discoverie toward the river of Ob."
This was first noticed by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of
Cabot. We also find in Hakluyt, p. 259, edit. 1589:
" Ordinances, instructions, and advertisements of and
for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathaye,
compiled .... the 9 day of May in the yere of our
Lord God 1553."

32. Vasco da Gama. He wrote —

Rela^ad da viagem a India em a anno de 1597. MS.

33. Duarte Barbosa. He wrote an account of his

' \

)

Iviii

INTRODUCTION.

travels in the cast, which has been translated into
Italian, and inserted in the first volume of Ramusio's
Collection, p. 288. Kamusio's translation was made
from a copy of the Portuguese manuscript, original
then at Lisbon.

34. Fernando de Magalhaens. Ho wrote —

1. Roteiro da sua navega9ao (MS.).

11. Mandado escrito em o canal de todos os Santos a 21 dc
Novembro de 1520 em o qual ordena a todos os capitaens
a advirtad em tudo que for conveniente ao bom successo
da Jornada que hia porseguiendo. Published in Barros,
Decad. 8, da India, liv. 5, cap. 9.

35. Joao de Barros. He wrote —

Primeira decada da Asia, dos feitos que os Portuguezes
fizerao no descubrimento e conquista dos mares e terras
do Oriente. Lisboa, 1552; fol. Secunda decada da
Asia, &c. Lisboa, 1553 ; fol. Terceira decada da India,
&c. Lisboa, 1563 ; fol.

At his death he left a fourth Decade unfinished in
manuscript, which was completed many years after-
wards by Joao Baptista Lavanha, by order of Philip II
of Portugal, and published at Madrid in 1613, in fol.
Amongst his unpublished works are —

I. Decada da Africa.
11. Geographia universalis.

III. Historia natural do Oriente.

IV. Summario que trata das provincias do raundo em
especial das Indias assi de Castella corao das de Por-
tugal, &c.

36. Jacques Cartier. We have accounts of three
voyages made by J. Cartier. The first account which

INTRODUCTION.

lix

WQ8 printed was of the second voyopjo, undertaken in
the year 1535. The title is as follows:

Brief rccit ct succinctc iinrration de la navigation fuictc rs
ysles clc Canada, Hochclagc, et Sagiicnay ct aiitres, avcc
particulicrcs mcura, langaigc, ct ccrimonics dcs habitans
d'iccUcs : fort dclectal)le a vcoir. Paris, par Ponce
Roffct diet Fauchour ct Anthoinc Ic Clorcj frcrca^ 1045 ;
8vo.

In 1598, the first voyngc appealed under the
title—

Discours du voyage dc Jacques Cartier aux torrcs nruf ,•.":.
de Canada, Norimbergue, Hocliclage, Lal)ra(lor, ct ;;}W"ii
adjaeens dites Nouvelle France, cu 1534. Kouc?j, vJnpb.
du Petit, 1598; 8vo.

The Journal of the third voyage is print^^d in the
third volume of Hakluyt's Collection. It does not
appear that any of these journals were written by
Cartier himself; indeed, the presumption is the other
way.

37. Frances Vasques de Coronado. The third
volume of Ramusio (p. 354, edit. 1565) contains —

Sommario di due sue lettere del viaggio fatto da Fra Marco
da Nizza alle sette citta di Cevola.

38. Juan Gaetano. He wrote —

Relatione del discoprimento dell' Isolc Moluijobc pe • la via
dell' Indie occidentali. In vol. i of Ramusio, fol. 4CS;
edit. 1550.

39. Fran9oi8 Xavier. Much rii'^ographictd informa-
tion is contained in his IcroerS) written during his
long residence in the east. The first publication was
entitled —

INTRODUCTION.

Copie d'une lettrc missive envoiee des Indes par monsieur
maistrc Francois Xavier a son prevost monsieur Egnace
de Layola. Paris, Jehan Corbon, 1545 ; 8vo.

In 1600, Iloratius Tursellinus printed at Mentz a
collection of the letters of Xavier, under the title —

Francisci Xaverii epistolarum libri quatuor in Latinum
conversi ex Hispano. 8vo.

And in 1661, Petrus Possinus printed at Paris the
remainder, with the title —

S. Francisci Xaverii....Indiarura apostoli epistolse novae
xviii nunc priraum ex autographis partim Hispanicis
partim Lusitanicis Latinitate et luce donatse. 13mo.

40. Sir Hugh Willoughby. In Hakluyt, vol. i,
p. 265, edit. 1589, we find—

The true copie of a note found written in one of the two
ships, to wit the Speranza, which wintered in Lappia,
where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died,
being frozen to death. Anno 1553-4. O. S. This
note is said to have been in the handwriting of sir Hugh
Willoughby, and contains the names of the ships and
their respective companies ; the juramentum, or othc
ministred to the captaine; the othe ministred to the
maister of the ship, &c. ; followed by a journal of the
voyage from the 10th of May to the 18th of September.

41. Richard Chauncellor. He wrote —

The book of the great and mighty emperor of Russia and
Duke of Moscovia, and of the dominions, orders and
commodities thereunto belonging. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p.
237 ; edit. 1598.

" The newe navigation and discoverie of the king-
dome of Moscovia by the north-east in the yeere
1553", is said to have been drawn up by Clement

INTRODUCTION.

Ixi

Adarns, from the dictation of Chancellor. — Hakluyt,
vol. i, p. 270, edit. 1589; where the account is given
in Latin and English.

42. Antonio Galvam. He was the author of a
work entitled —

Tratado dos varios e diversos caminlios por onde nos tem-
pos passados a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as
nossas partes, e assim do todos os descubrimentos anti-
gos e modernos que sao feitos ate a era de 1550, &c.
Lisboa, por Joao Barreira, 1563; 8vo.
He is also said to have written a work entitled —
Historia dos Molucas, da natureza e descubrimento daquel-
las terras.
But it was never printed entire, and the original is
not known to be now in existence ; a great part, how-
ever, is said to have been inserted by Damiao de Goes,
in his " Chronica del rej D. Manoel".

43. Stephen Burrough. He wrote —

The navigation and disc ery toward the river Ob (i. c.
Obe), intending the discovery of tlie north-east passage :
and, The voyage, an. 1557, from Colmogro to Ward-
house, which was sent to secke the Bona Speranza, the
Bona Confidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were
not heard of the yeere before. In Hakluyt, vol. i,
p. 274-290.

44. William Burroughs. All that we appear to
have of this navigator's writings, are the following
short pieces :

I. The copie of a letter sent to the emperour of Moscovie by
Christopher Hodsdon and William Burrough,anno 1570,
informing him that William Burroughs had taken five
ships of the freebooters. — Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 425 ; edit.
1589.

1 1

I ' '

Ixii

INTRODUCTION.

III.

IV,

II. The deposition of Mr. Wm. Burrough to certaine inter-
rogatories ministred unto him concerning the Narve,
Kegor, &c., to what king or prince they doe appertaine
and are subject, made the 23 of June 1576. — Ibid,
p. 438.

Certaine reasons to dissuade the use of a trade to the
Narve aforesayd, by way through Sweden. — lb. 439.
Tlie opinion of Master Wm. Burrough sent to a friend
requiring his judgement for the fittest time of the de-
parture of our ships towards S. Nicholas in Russia. —
lb. 487.

45. Anthony Jenkinson. He wrote the accounts
of his several voyages, as follows :

I. The first voyage made by master Anthony Jenkinson
from the citie of London toward the land of Russip,
begonne the twelfth daye of Maye in the yeere 1557.
II. The voyage, wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscovite am-
bassadour to Queen Maria, returned home into his coun-
trey. And a large description of the manners of the
countrey, &c.

III. The voyage of mr. Anthony Jenkinson, made from the
citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghai' in Bac-
tria, in the yere 1558.

IV. A compendious declaration of the Journey of M. Anth.
Jenkinson into the land of Persia, passing thorow Russia,
Moscovia, and Mare Caspium. Anno 1561.

V. The voyage of Anthony Jenkinson into Russia the third

time, an. 1566.
VI. The voyage of Anthony Jenkinson into Russia the fourth
time, an. 1571.

These several accounts are printed in Hakluyt, vol. i,
pp. 310, 314, etc.

46. Jean Ribault. He wrote, in French, an account
of his voyage to Florida in the year 1562. This

INTRODUCTION.

Xlll

appears to be no longer extant ; but the title of the
English translation, published in 1563, and which
Hakluyt has reprinted in this collect on, is given at
p. 17 post.

47. Luke Ward. He wrote —

The voyage intended towards China, wherein Mr. Edward
Fenton was appointed generall. Written by Mr. Luke
Ward, his vice-admiral and captaine of the Edward
Bonaventure, begun anno Dom. 1582. In Hakluyt,
vol. iii, p. 757 ; edit. 1600.

48. Edward Heyes. He wrote —

A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in
the yeere 1583, by Sir H. Gilbert, knight, with other
gentlemen, intended to discover and to plant Christian
inhabitants upon those large and ample countries ex-
tended northward from the Cape of Florida ; written by
Mr. Edward Haies, the principal actor in the same voy-
age. In Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 143 ; edit. 1600.

" A very late and great probabilitie of a passage of
the north-west part of America in fifty-eight degrees
of northerly latitude", refers most probably to Hud-
son's Straits. It is well known that the Spaniards
made some feeble attempts to discover the north-west
passage, but whether the expedition here referred to
as sent out by one Anus Cortereal be one of them, or
whether such an expedition was ever sent out at all,
it is impossible now to ascertain. Hakluyt was a man
of easy faith, and too apt to repeat accounts as he
received them, without stopping to verify or correct
them. This " late probabilitie" would doubtless be
an important addition to the eight reasons mentioned

Ixiv

INTRODUCTION.

III It!

in his epistle to Sir Philip Sidney, and as such, not
lightly to be rejected. It is much to be regretted,
however, that he has not informed us who the " singu-
larly grave and experienced man of Portingale", his
informant, was. The eight reasons alluded to in proof
of the probability of a north-west passage are : 1 . The
opinion of Cabot that all the north part of America is
divided into islands. 2. That the passage is laid
down in the map by Verazzani. 3. The story of Gil
Gonsalva, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara,
which, however, amounts to no more than a statement
that Gil Gon9alez de Avila in 1522 explored the
western coast of Mexico from Capo Blanco to Capo de
Fonseca, for the purpose of finding a strait which it
was said by the pilots existed thereabouts, and by
which they could pass from the South Sea to the
Atlantic Ocean.* 4. The report of the people of
Saguinay to Jacques Cartier, that upon their coasts
westward there was a sea the end whereof was
unknown to them. 5. The assertion, by the inha-
bitants of Canada, that it is a month's space to sail
to a land where cirmamon and cloves are growing.
6. That the people of Florida stated to Ribault
that they might sail from the river of May unto
Cevola and the South Sea through their country in
twenty days. 7. The experience of Frobisher and
Drake, one on the west coast of America, and the
other on the east. 8. The opinion, or rather con-
jecture, of Mercator, that there must be a short way

' Lopez de Gomara. La Historia general de las Indias, fol. 258.
Anvci's, 1554. 12mo.

INTRODUCTION.

Ixv

open into the west. It is not necessary at the present
day to enter into any arguments to show the utter
futility of these eight reasons. In the year 1582,
however, the case was widely different : enough had
been discovered to whet the appetite. To say nothing
of the pretended voyages of the Zeni at the end of the
fourteenth century, which were then universally re-
ceived as genuine, Sebastian Cabot, there is great
reason to believe, penetrated as high as 67 degrees of
north latitude, discovering Hudson's Straits and Fox's
Channel, in his search after the north-west passage to
India. Caspar Cortereal, in 1500, explored the eastern
coast of America with the same object, and discovered
the St. Lawrence, and also Hudson's Straits. Jacques
Cartier in 1534 found the St. Lawrence, and explored
it as high as Montreal, and from the statements of the
natives, great expectations were entertained that the
passage so ardently desired had been at length disco-
vered. Frobisher, in his first voyage, in 1576, disco-
vered in latitude 63 the strait which long bore his
name, and has subsequently been called Lumley's
Inlet ; and in his second and third voyages, made in
the two following years, he penetrated further into the
strait, and also made his way into Hudson's Straits,
although with no better success than on his former
voyages. The time mentl:.ned by Hakluyt, " not
above eight yeres past", would be about 1574, and as
the attention of navigators had since that time been
always directed to Frobisher's Straits, this apparently
new discovery might well be considered by him worthy
of special mention.

Ixvi

INTRODUCTION.

'•;'

The next piece in the collection is the epistle dedi-
catorie to " Master Philip Sydney, Esquire". It is
well known that Sir Philip Sidney took a great in-
terest in whatever tended to the honour and advantage
of his native country, and it cannot be supposed that
he looked with only ordinary interest upon the efforts
made by such men as Frobisher and Drake for en-
larging the limits of geographical knowledge. Al-
though little is said by his biographers upon this
point, it is more than probable that he occupied a
prominent place among those who favoured the various
adventurers in search of gold mines and new worlds.
In October 1576, Frobisher returned from his first
voyage in search of a north-west passage. His sup-
posed success, both on this point and in the discovery
of gold ore, caused great excitement in England, and
Sidney wrote to his early friend and watchful adviser,
Hubert Linguet, in such glowing terms of Frobisher
and this expedition, as to draw from him (Linguet) a
long and striking reply, in which he says : " Si vera
sunt quae de vestro Forbissero scribis, ille baud dubie
obscurabit non solum Magellani sed etiam ipsius

Christophori Columbi famam Ego vero ad te

respicio qui banc ob rem exaltas perinde ac si patria
esset optime consultum, cum praesertim superiore vere
in te animadverterim cupiditatem aliquam suscipiendas
ejusmodi navigationis." Linguet was right in his
conjecture that Sidney contemplated undertaking one
of these voyages of discovery. There can be little
doubt that he entered into arrangements with Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, taking from him an assignment of

INTBODUCTION.

Ixvii

part of his interest under the letters patent granted to
him by Queen Elizabeth in 1578.' He also, at a later
period, made secret preparations for associating him-
self with Sir Francis Drake in his second expedition,
of which he (Sidney) was to have had the principal
direction, and had even engaged to equip a naval and
land armament, and to make a vigorous attack upon
the Spanish settlements in America. He was only
prevented carrying this design into effect by the ex-
press command of the queen. It was not without
reason, therefore, that Hakluyt addressed to Sir Philip
Sidney a collection of documents, the object of which
was to induce his countrymen to make permanent
settlements in America : and we find that when in
1584 a bill was brought into parliament for confirming
the letters patent granted by the queen to Sir Walter
Raleigh for discovering remote heathen lands, it was
committed, on the second reading, to the care of Sir
Philip Sidney jointly with Hatton, then vice-chara-
berlain, Sir Francis Drake, and others.^

Full as this epistle is of various and most important
topics, the author has laid out his views in so clear
and concise a manner as to render any additional
explanation here altogether superfluous. One of the
points upon which he insists is " the title which we
have to that part of America which is from Florida
to 67 degrees north warde, by the letters patentes
graunted to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewis,

^ See Gentleman's Magazine, Feb. 1850, p. 116, et seqq.
" Zouch's Life of Sydney; Linguet, Epist. ad P. Sydneium,
p. 176-177.

Ixviii

INTRODUCTION.

i III

If .

Sebastian and Santius, with Sebastian's owne certifi-
cate to Baptista Ramusius of his discoverie of Ame-
rica, and the testimonie of Fabian our old chronicler."
This forms the subject of the next division of the
collection before us.

The honour of having discovered North America is
claimed by most English writers for John Cabot, or
Gabota, a Venetian, who was residing in Bristol as a
merchant in the year 1594. In the preceding year all
Europe had been astonished by the unlooked-for dis-
coveries of Columbus, and Cabot, who appears to have
possessed a bold and adventurous spirit, conceived the
idea of following in the same track. With this object
in view, he solicited the sanction of the king, Henry
VII, to his undertaking, and on the 5 th of March
1496,^ the letters patent above referred to were granted
to John Cabot and his three sons. The expedition
did not sail until the following year, and. no very
intelligible details of the voyage are in existence.
There are, however, several accounts more or less
contradictory. Hakluyt has inserted no less than six
in his general collection. Perhaps the most precise is
that which was inscribed in Latin by Clement Adams
upon a map drawn by Sebastian, and engraved by
Adams, but which is no longer in existence. This
notice runs as follows : " In the year of our Lord

1 This patent is sometimes sjiid to have been granted in 1495,
which would be correct according to the computation of the civil
year at that period, viz., from the 25th of March ; but as Henry
VII commenced his reign on the 22nd of August 1485, the
5th of March in the eleventh year of his reign would fall in the
year 1496, according to the historical computation.

INTRODUCTION.

Ixix

1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, und his son Sebastian,
discovered that country, which no one before his time
had ventured to approach, on the 24th of June, about
five o'clock in the morning. He called the land
Terra prinium visa, because, as I conjecture, this was
the place that first met his eyes in looking from the
sea. On the contrary, the island which lies opposite
the land, he called the island of St. John — as I sup-
pose, because it was discovered on the festival of St.
John the Baptist. The inhabitants wear beasts' skins
and the intestines of animals for clothing, esteeming
them as highly as we do our most precious garments.
In war their weapons are the bow and arrow, spears,
darts, slings, and wooden clubs. The country is
steril and uncultivated, producing no fruit ; from
which circumstance it happens that it is crowded with
white bears and stags of an unusual height and size.
It yields plenty offish, and these very large, such as
seals and salmon : there are soles also above an ell in
length ; but especially great abundance of that kind
of fish called in the vulgar tongue baccalaos. In the
same island also breed hawks, so black in their colour
that they wonderfully resemble ravens ; besides which
there are partridges and eagles of dark plumage."
The map upon which this account was inscribed was
engraved in the year 1549,* fifty-two years after the
event recorded took place ; but it has been suggested
with much plausibility'' that Adams may have been

* Purchas, vol. iii, p. 807.

" Tytler, Historical View of the Progress of Discovert/ oh the
more Northern Coasts of America, p. 23. Edinb. 1832, 12mo.

Ixx

INTKODUCTION.

employed by Sebastian Cabot himself to engrave this
map in order to gratify Edward VI, with whom he
was in great favour, and that this account of the dis-
covery of Newfoundland may have been supplied by
Sebastian.

The author of the Memoirs of S. Cabot argues with
great show of reason, that the land first visited by
John Cabot was Labrador, and not the island of
Newfoundland. The name of the vessel which first
touched the shores of America was the Matthew, of
Bristol. The fact of this discovery having been made
by John Cabot and not Sebastian, is alluded to in a
second patent granted to " John Kabotto, Venetian",
giving him license to sail with six ships " to the land
and isles of late found by the said John in our name
and by bur commandment." It is not our object to
enter into any examination of the various accounts
extant respecting the voyages of the Cabots, father
and son ; neither do we purpose attempting to settle
the respective claims of these two great men to the dis-
covery of the North American continent. To an im-
partial mind the quotations given above would, in all
probability, prove sufiiciently conclusive. The author
of the Memoirs of S. Cabot however takes a far difibrent
view of the question, and we cannot therefore quit
this part of our subject without noticing the perti-
nacity and ingenuity with which he endeavours to set
aside John Cabot, and disputes all evidence calculated
to disprov} his theory in favour of Sebastian.^ The

* See Memoir of Sebastian Caboi, cap. x, where the author
treats this subject at some length, and brings forward many inte-
resting particulars.

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxi

extract given by Hakluyt from Fabyan, must refer
to the voyage made by Sebastian after the second
patent had been granted to his father.

The next paragraph of Hakluyt's work refers to
three savage men, said to have been brought home by
Sebastian in 1498, and presented to the king. Here
again Mr. Biddle steps in to defend his protege,'
and contends that these men were not brought home
by Cabot, repelling with great energy the charge that
he would be guilty of so cruel an act as carrying off
the aborigines of the country. This cruel act, he
contends, must have been perpetrated by " three
Portuguese", who, jointly with Richard Warde,
Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, obtained
letters patent from Henry VII in 1501, conferring
upon them the same powers, and couched in the same
terms as we find in the letters patent granted to John
Cabot and his sons in 1496.

While upon this part of our subject, it may not be
out of place to give a list of the several patents
granted by the sovereigns of England for the dis-
covery and planting of unknown lands.

The first is the patent granted by Henry VII in
1496 to John Cabot and his sons, as mentioned above,
and which is printed in this collection, post^ p. 19.

On the 3rd of February 1498, Henry VII granted
a second patent to John Cabot alone. This patent
has often been referred to, but was printed for the
first time in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot by Mr.
Biddle, who discovered this interesting document in

. ; ' Memoir of S. Cabot, p. 229.

I" >

W !

Ixxii

INIUOnUCTION.

the Holla' chnpol. It is of much importance in ex-
amining the question of the first discovery of America,
and we therefore give it at length.

Memoraiulum quod tertio die Februarii anno regni Regin
TIenrici Septimi xiii ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Cancel-
lario Anglite apud Westmonasterium cxcquenda.

TO TIIK KINOE.

Please it your highnesse of your most noble and habun-
daunt grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Venecian, your
gracious Lcttrcs Patents in due fourme, to be made accord-
yng to the tenor hereafter ensuyng, and he shall continually
praye to God for the preservacion of your moste noble and
roiall astate longc to endure.

H. R.
Rex.

To all men to whom theis presenteis shall come send
gretyng : knowe ye that wu of our grace especiall and for
dyvers causis us movying, we have geven and graunten, and
by theis presentis geve and graunte to our welbeloved John
Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente auctorite and power, that he
by him, his deputie or deputies sufficient, may take at his
pleasure vi Englisshe shippes in any porte or portes or other
place within this our realme of England, or obeisance, so
that and if the said shippes be of the bourdeyn of cc tonnes,
or under, with their apparail requisite and necessarie for the
safe conduct of the said shippes, and them convey and lede
to the londe and isles of late founde by the seid John in
oure name and by our commaundemente, paying for theym
and every of theym as and if we should in or for our owen
cause paye and noon otherwise. And that the said John,
by hym, his deputie or deputies sufficiente, maye take and
receyve into the said shippes, and every of theym, all such
maisters, maryners, pages, and other subjects, as of their

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxiii

owcn free wille wolc f?oo anil paaso with him in the snmc
sliippcs to the 8ci(l londe or ilea witliout nnyc itnpcdy-
mcntc, Ictt, or pcrturhnncc, of nny of onr officers or ininistrcs
or sxihjects, whatsoever they be, by theym to the seyd John,
his dcputie, or deputies, and all other our seid snlyccts, or
any of theym passingc with the seid John in the acid shippcs
to the seid londe or iles, to be doon, or suffer to be doon or
attempted. Geving in commaundement to all and every
our otHeers, ministers, and subjects, seying or hcryinj? theis
our Lcttres Patents without any ferther commaundement
by us to theym, or any of theym, to be gcvcn to perfonrmc,
and soeour the said John, his deputie, and all our said sub-
jects so passyng with hym, according to the tenor of thcis
our Letters Patentis. Any Statute, Aetc, or Ordcnnanco,
to the contraryc made or to be made in any wise notwith-
standing.

The next patent, in order of date, was granted by
Henry VII on the 19tli of March 1501, to Richard
Warde, Thomas Ashehiirst, and John Thomas, of
Bristol, and John Fernandus, Francis Fernandas, and
John Gunsolus, subjects of the King of Portugal.
This document also was first brought to light by
Mr. Biddle. It was discovered by him in the Rolls'
chapel, and is printed in the Appendix to his Memoir
of Cabot. As it is not likely to become very generally
known througheitherof these channels we have thought
it advisable to give it here at length. It is as follows :

Memorandum quod xix die Marcii, anno regni Regis
Henrici Septimi xvi, ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Custodi
Magni Sigilli Angliaj apud Westmonasterium exequenda.

m '

TO THE KYNG OUR SOVEREYNE LORD.

Please it your Highness of your most noble and habunclaunt

Ixxiv

INTRODUCTION.

Grace to graunt unto your welbeloved subjects Richard
Warde, Thomas Asshehurst, and John Thomas, merchants of
your Towne of Bristowe, and to John Fernandas, Francis
Fernandus, and John Gunsolus, Squyers, borne in the Isle of
Surrys under the obeisaunce of the Kynge of Portingale, your
gracious Lettres Patentis, under your Greate Scale, in due
forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying;
and that this Byll, sygned with your gracious hand, may be to
the Reverend Fader in God, Henry, Byshop of Salesbury,
Keeper of your Greate Scale, sufficient and immediate
warrant for the making, sealyng, accomplysshyng, of your
said Lettres Patentes, and they shall duryng ther lyves pray
to God for the prosperous contynuance of your most noble
and ryall astate.
H. R.
Rex universis e+ singulis ad quos prsesentes Literaj Nostras
pervenerint Salutem : Notum sit vobis et manifcstum quod
ex certis conslderationibus nos moventibus de advisamento
Consilii Nostri, concessimus et licentiam dedimus, prout per
Praesentes concedimus et licentiam damns, pro Nobis et
haeredibus nostris quantum in Nobis est, dilectis subditis
nostris Ricardo Warde, Thomae Asshurst, et Johanni Thomas,
mercatoi ibus villae nostrae Bristolliae ac dilectis nobis Johanni
Fernandus, Francisco Fernandus, et Johanni Gunsolus,
armigeris in insulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Por-
tugahae oriundis, et eorum cuilibet ac cujuslibet eorum haere-
dibus, attornatis, factoribus, sen deputatis ac eis et eorum
cuilibet plenam ac liberam auctoritatem, facultatem et potesta-
tem committimusnavigandi et se transferendi ad omnes partes,
regiones et fines Maris Orientalis, Occidentalis, Australis,
Borealis et Septcntrionalis, sub banneris, et insigniis nostris
cum tot et tantis et talibus navibus sive batellis quot sibi
placuerint et necessariae fuerint, cujusctinqae portagii quilibet
navis sive batella extiterit, cum magistris, contromagistris,
marinariis pagettis aliisque hominibus pro gubematione.

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxv

salva custodia et defensione navium et batellarum prasdic-
tarum competentibus requisitis et necessariis, ad custus et
onera dicti Ricardi et aliorum prsedictorum et pro hujusmodi
salariis, vadiis et stipcndiis prout inter eos poterunt concordare
ad inveniendum, recuperandum, discoperiendum et investi-
gandunoi insulas, patrias, regiones sive provincias quas-
cunque gentilium et infidelium in quacunque i,.Liudi parte
positas quae Christianis omnibus ante hsec tempora fuerunt
et in prsesenti sunt incognita.

Ac hujusmodi banneras et insignia nostra in quacunque
villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra-firma a se sic noviter
inventis affigendi, ipsasque villas, oppida, castra, insulas et
terras firmas pro nobis et nomine nostro intrandi et capiendi
et ea tanquam vasalli nostri ac gubernatores, locatenentes et
deputati nostri, eorumque dominio, titulo, dignitate et proe-
eminencia eorundem nobis semper reservatis, occupandi,
possidendi et subjugandi.

Et insuper quandocumque, imposterum, hujusmodi insulae
patriae, terrse et provinciee per praefatos Ricardum et alios
praevocatos adeptae, recuperatae et inventae fuerint, tunc vo-
lumus et fer praesentes concedimus quod omnes et singuli
tam viri quam fceminae hujus regni nostri caeterique subditi
nostri et insulas hujusmodi sic noviter inventas visitare et in
eisdem inhabitare cupientes et desiderantes, possint et valiant
licite et impune ad ipsas patrias, insulas et loca cum eorum
navibus, hominibus et servientibus, rebus et bonis suis uni-
versis transire et in eisdem sub protectione et regimine
dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum morari et
inhabitai'e, divitiasque, fructus et emolumenta patriarum,
terrarum et locorum praedictorum adquirere et obtinere.

Dantes insuper et concedentes praefatis Ricardo, Thomae et
Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johauni et eorum cuilibet
plenam tenore Praesentium potestatem et auctoritatem omnes
et singulos homines, marinarios caeterasque personas ad insu-
las, patrias, provincias, terras firmas et loca prajdicta ex causa

Ixxvi

INTRODUCTION.

!r I

prsedicta^sedivertenteset confluentcs tam incomitiva dictorum
Ricardi et aliorum praenominatoriim quam in comitiva aliorum
illuc imposterum recursum habere contingentium tam supra
mare quam in insulis, patriis, terris-firmis et locis hujusmodi
post quam iuventa et recuperata fuerint regendi et gubernandi
legesque ordinationes, statuta et proclamationes pro bono
et quieto regimine et gubernatione dictorum hominum,
magistrorum, marinariorum, et aliarum personarum prsedic-
tarum faciendi, stabiliendi, ordinandi et constituendi et
superinde proclamationes faciendi ac omnes et singulos quos
in hac parte contrarios et rebelles ac legibus, statutis et
ordinacionibus prsedictis inobedientes invenerint ac omnes
illos qui furtum, homicidia, rapinas commiserint et perpe-
trarint aut aliquas mulieres insularum seu patriarum prse-
dictarum, contra eorum voluntatem aut aliter, rapuei'int et
violaverint juxta leges et statuta per ipsos in hac parte ordinata
castigandiet puniendi. AcetiamconcessimuspraefatisBicardo,
Thomae, Johanni, Johauui, Francisco et Johanni hteredibus et
assignatis suis quod postquam aliquoeinsulse,provincise, terrse-
firmse, regio seu provincia imposterum per ipsum Ricardum
et alios praenominatos inventa fuerint tunc non licebit alicui
seu aliquibus subdito seu subditis nostris durante termino
decern annos proximo et immediate sequentes ad ipsas villas,
provincias, insulas, terras-firmas et loca causa mercandisandi
ac bona acquirendi absque licentia noslra regia et [the words
in italics illegible, but supplied coujecturally from the cor-
responding paragraph in the subsequent patent of 9th
December 1502] dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prsenomina-
torum hseredum et assiguatorum suorum cum suis navibus
frequentare aut se divertere aut in eadem ingredi seu in
eisdem pro aliquibus bonis acquirendi intromittere.

Et i)ost terminum dictorum decern annorum quod nullus
ex nostris subditis ad aliquam terram-firmam, iusulam,
patriam seu loca per ipsos Ricardum et Thomam et alios
priedictos sic noviter iuventa uavigare et frequentai'c pracsu-

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxvii

mat absque Ucentia nostra pradicta et [the words in italics
supplied as before] prsedictorum Ricardi et cseterorum sub
poena amissionis et forisfacturae omnium bonorum, mercan-
disarum^ rerum et navium quarumcunque ad ea loca sic
noviter inventa navigare et in eadem ingredi praesumentium
(videlicit) una medietas inde erit ad opus nostrum et alia
medietas ad opus dictorum Ricardi et aliorum prsenominato-
rum et haeredum suorum.

Et ultius ex abundanti gratia nostra concessimus et
per Praesentes concedimus pro Nobis et haeredibus nostris,
quantum in Nobis est, praefatis Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni,
Johanni, Francisco et Johanni et eorum quilibet mercandisas,
mercimonia, aurum et argentum in massa, lapides preciosos et
alia bona quaecumque de crescentia patriarum, insularumque
et locorum praedictorum per ipsos sic recuperandorum et
inveniendorum tam in dictis navibus et batellis quam aliis
quibuscumque navibus exteris a dictis patriis, insulis, terris-
firmis et locis in hoc regnum nostrum Angliae ad qucmcunque
portum seu alium locum ejusdem adducere et cariare et
adduci seu cariari facere possit et valeat, eaque vendere et
distribuere ad eorum proficium et advantagium, aliqiio statuto,
actu, ordinatione seu provisione inde in contrarium factis
sive ordinatis nonobstantibus.

Ac Nos intime considerantcs grandia custus et onera quae
circa praemissa facienda et perimplenda requiruntur, volentes
igitur praefatis Ricardo, Thomae et aliis memoratis personis
gratiam provide facere specialem concessimus (proutj per
Praesentes concedimus eisdem, haeredibus et assignatis suis
quod ipsi et eorum quilibet haeredes et assignati sui praedicti
de tempore in tempus durante tcrmino quatuor annorura a
tempore recuperationis et inventionis insularum, et pro-
vinciarum praedictarum proximo et immediate sequentes,
mercandisas, mercimonia caetcraque bona in uno navi tantum
cujuscunque portagii fuerit eskippata et onustata ac in hoc
regnum nostrum Angliae adduceuda et trausportauda in portu

\\ *

Ixxviii

INTRODUCTION.

r *

seu loco prsedicto ad teiTam ponere, eaque vendere, exponere
et pro libito suo distribuere possint de tempore in tempus,
quolibet viagio, durante termino dictorum quatuor anno-
rura, absque aliquibus custumis, subsidiis, seu aliis deveriis
pro eisdem bonis mercimoniis et caeteris prsemissis in dicta
unica navi tantum contentis et eskippatis nobis aut haeredi-
bus nostris infra dictum regnum nostrum Angliee aliqualiter
solvendis.

Proviso tamen quod Nobis de custumis, subsidiis, pondagiis
ct aliis deveriis Nobis pro cajteris mercandisis, mercimoniis et
bonis in omnibus aliis navibus contentis debitis juxta con-
suetudinem in hoc regno nostro Anglise hactenus usitatam
fideliter respondeatur ut est justum. Et insuper volumus et
concedimus per Praesentes quod quilibet capitalis magister,
contra magister et marinarius cnjuslibet navis ad aliquam
terram-firmam, insulam, patriam, provinciam et locum prae-
dictum frequentantis et navigauUb habeant, gaudeant et per-
cipiant de bonis et mercimoniis a dictis insulis, terris-firmis
et pro^dnciis in hoc regnum Angliae adducendis custumas et
subsidia sequentia, videhcit.

Quod quilibet magister habeat, gaudeat et percipiat sub-
sidia et custumas, quolibet viagio, quatuor doliorum.

Et quilibet contramagister vel quarter-magister custumas
et subsidia duorum doliorum.

Ac quilibet marinarius custumas et subsidia unius dolii.

Licet sint caveata et eskippata [the words in italics sup-
plied as before] ut bona sua propria aut ut bona alicujus
alterius personae cujuscunquc et hoc absqiie aliquibus cus-
tumis, subditis debitis seu deveriis infra hoc regnum nostrum
Angliae ad opus nostrum aut haeredum nostrorum pro eisdem
doliis aliqualiter solvendis seu peteudis.

Et si contingat aliquem vel aliquos mercatorem seu mer-
catores hujus regni nostri ad dictas insulas, patrias et loca
sub licencia dictorum aubdictorum nostrorum aut absque
licencia causa habendi mercandisas et mercimouia adventare

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxix

et laborare ad bona et mercimonia ah eisdem partibus in hoc
regnum nostrum adducere, tunc voluraus et concedimus, per
praesentes, prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni^ Johanni,
Francisco, Johanni haeredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi
durante terraino decern annorum antedicto habeant de quo-
libet hujusmodi mercatore, solutis nobis custumis, subsidiis
et aliis deverus Nobis in hac parte debitis et consuetis, vicesi-
mam parten. omnium hujusmodi bonorum et mercimoniarum
per ipsos a dictis iusulis, patriis et locis quolibet viagio
durante dicto termino decern annorum in hoc regrum nos-
trum Anglise traducendorum et caricandorum habendam et
capiendam hujusmodi vicesimam partem in portu ubi con-
tigerit dicta bona discaricari et exonerari.

Proviso semper quod predicti Ricardus et alii prsedicti,
haeredes et assignati sui et non alii omnino imposterum
durante dicto termino decem annorum sint Factores et At-
tornati in dictis insulis, terris-flrmis et patriis pro quibus-
cunque hujusmodi mercatoribus aliisque personis illuc ex
causa prsedicta confluentibus in et pro eorum factis merca-
toriis in eisdem.

Proviso etiam quod nidla navis cum bonis et mercandisis
a dictis partibus sic noviter inventis carcati et onusta post-
quam in aliquam portum hujus [the words in italics supplied
as before] Regni nostri adducta fueriit non exoneratur de
eisdem bonis et mercandisis nisi in prtesentia praefactorum
Ricardi et aliorum praedictorum eorumve haeredum seu depu-
tatorum ad hoc assignandum sub poena forisfacturae eorumdem
bonarum et mercandisarum ; unde una medietas ad opus
nostrum et alia medietas praefatis Ricardo et aliis praenomi-
natis et haeredibus suis applicentur.

Et si imposterum aliqui exti'an-ei aid alia [the part in
italics supplied as before] personae ad ipsas partes contra
voluntatem ipsorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum
causa habendi divitias navigare et ea vi et armis ingredi ac
dictos Ricardum et alios praedictos aut hceredes suos ibidem

] :

XXX

INTRODUCTION.

11 !

insultare ac cos expellere ct debellarc awt alias inquietarc
presumpserint quod tunc volumus ac eisdem subditis nostris
tenore Prsesentium damus et committimus ipsos extraneos
licet sint subditi et vasalli alicujus principis Nobiscum in
liga et amicitia existentis totis suis viribus tarn per terrara
quara per mare et aquas dulces expugnandi, resistendi et
gucriam contra eos levandi et faciendi eosque capiendi, sub-
pcditandi et incarcerandi ibidem quousque fines et redemp-
tiones eisdem subditis nostris facerint moratur aut alias
secundum sanam discretionem ipsorum subditorum nostorum
ct hseredum suorum castigandi et puniendi.

At etiam prsefatis subditis nostris cseterisque personis prae-
dictis plenam tenore Preesentium potestatem damus et com-
mittimus sub se quoscumque capitaneos, locatenentes et
deputatos in singulis civitatibus, villis, oppidis et locis
dictarum insularum, provinciarum, patriarum et locorum
prsedictorum ad regendum et gubernandum omnes et singu-
his personas in eisdem partibus sub regimine et gubernationc
dictorum subdictorum nostorum ibidem commorantium ac
ad justitiam eisdem secundum tenorem et effectum ordina-
tionum, statutorum et proclamationum prtedictorum debite
exequendum et administrandum per Literas suas Patentes
sigillis corum sigillandas, faciendi, constituendi, nominandi
et substituendi. Et insuper concessimus et per Praesentes
concedimus prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni, Jobanni,
Francisco et Johanni ad terminum vitaj suae et cujuslibet
eorum diutius viventis officiura Admiralli supra Maro in
quibuscunque locis, patriis, et pj jvinciis a se sic noviter
inventis et imposterum inveniendis et recupcrandis, ipsosque
Ricardum, Thomam, Johannem, Johannen', Franci cum,
Johannem et eorum quemlibet conjunctim divisim Ad-
mirallos nostros in eisdem partibus facimus, constituimus,
ordinamus et deputamus, per Praesentes dantes et conccdentes
eisdem et eorum cuilibet plenam tenore Praesentiarum potes-
tatem et auctoritiitem ea omnia et singula quae ad officiam

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxxi

Admirallitutis pertinent faciendi, exercendi et exequendi se-
cundum legem et cousuetudinem maritimam in hoc regno
nostro Anglise usitatam.

Ac etiam postquara prsefati Ricaidus Warde, Thomas
Aahhurst et Johannes Thomas, ac Johannes Fernandus,
Franciscus Fernandus et Johannes Gunsolus aliquas terras-
firmas, insulas, patrias et provincias, oppida, castra, civitatcs
et villas per assistentiam nostram sic invcnerint, obtinuerint,
et subjugaverint tunc volumus et per Prsescntcs concedimus
eisdem, hajredibus et assignatis suis, quod ipsi et hseredes sui
habeant, teneant et possidcant sibi, hseredibus et assignatis
suis omnia et singula talia et tanta, terras-firmas, insulas,
patrias, provincias, castra, oppida, fortallicia, civitates et
villas qualia et quanta ipsi et homines tenentes et servientes
sui possunt inhabitare, custodire, sustinere et manutenere :
Habenda et Tenenda easdom terras, insulas et loca prsedicta
sibi, hseredibus et assignatis suis et cujuslibet eorum dc nobis
et hseredibus nostris imperpetuum per fidelitatem tantum
absque aliquo compoto sen aliquo alio nobis aut hseredibus
nostris proinde reddendo sen faciendo, Dignitate, Dominio,
Regalitate, Jurisdictione, et Pre-eminentia in eisdem nobis
semper salvis et omnino reservatis.

Et ultius conccssimus prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni,
'ohanni, Francisco, Johanni quod ipsi, hseredes et assignati &ui
prsedicti dictas terras-firmas, insulas et provincias ipsis et hse-
redibus suis prsedictis ut prsemittitur sic concessas, postquam
inventse ec recuprratse sint, ac cum in plena possessione earun-
dem fuerint teneaut, possidcant etgaudeant liberJi, quiete, et
pacifice absque impedimento aliquali nostri aut haeredum nos-
trorum quarumcunque. Et quod nullus ex subditis nostris
cos eorum aliquem de et super possessione et titulo suis de et
in dictis terris-firmis, insulis et provinciis se aliqualiter contra
volvmtatem suam expellat quovis modo sev. aliquis extraneus
aut aliqui extranet virtute aut colore alicujus concessionis nostrce
sibi Magno Sigiilo' I^<jstro per antea factee aut imposterum.

ifl^H

iHM

loin

i^H

1 n

■ r"

Ixxxii

INTHOUUCTION.

facienda cum aliqtdbus aliis locis et insulia et con-

tifjuis ac membris et parceUia j)r(efatis insults, terris-firmis

provinciis et locis absque licentia

snbditorum nostrorum et aliorum pr(enominatorum aliquo modo
intromittat nee intromittant. [Through the words in italics
the pen is drawn in the original, and a space then occurs,
from which the writing has been carefully and completely
erased.]

Promittentes bona-fide et in verbo regio Nos ratum gratum
et firmiim habituros totura et quicquid prsefati llicardus,
Thomas, Johannes, Johannes, Franciscus et Johannes et
eorum quilibet pro praemissorura complemento fecerint
fierique procuraverint in hac parte. Et quod Nos aut haeredes
nostri nuUo unquam tempore in futuro ipsos aut eorum
aliquem liseredes et assignatos sues in jure, titulo et posses-
sione suis inquietabimus, impediemus aut molestium eis
faciemus nee per alios nostros subditos aut alios quoscunque
quantum in nobis fuerit fieri seu procurari permittemus seu
procurabimus, nee ipsos haeredes et assignatos suos pro
aliqua causa imposterum emergente seu contingente ab
eisdem terris-firmis, provinciis et locis niiUo modo amovebi-
mus aut amoveri seu expelli per subditos nostros procurabimus.
Et ultius ex uberiori gratia nostra et mero motu nostro con-
cessimus et per Prsesentes concedimus pro nobis et haere-
dibus quantum in nobis est Johanni Fernandus, Francisco
Fernandus et Johanni Gunsolus, Armigcris de Insulis de
Surrys subditos Regis Portugaliae oriundis et eorum cuilibet
quod ipsi et eorum quilibet ac omues liberi sui tam procreati
quam procreandi in perpetuum sint indigeni et ligei nostri et
haeredum nostrorum ct in omnibus causis, querelis, rebus et
materiis quibuscumque habeantur, pertractarentur,teneantur,
reputentur et gubernentur tanquam veri et fidcles ligei
Nostri infra regnum nostrum Angliae oriundi et non aliter
ncc alio modo. Et quod ipsi et omncs liberi sui praedicti
omniniodo actiones veales, personales et mixtas in omnibus

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxxiii

curiis, locis ct jurisdictionibus nostris quibuscimqiic habere,
cxerccre, cisciuc uti et gaudcre ac cas in eisdem placitarc ct
implacitari, rcspondere et respondcri, defendcrc ac dcfendi
poHsiiit et eorum quilibet possit in omnibus sicuti veri ct
fideles ligei nostri infra rcgnum nostrum prsedictum oriundi.
Et quod ipsi ct eorum quilibet terras, tenementa, reditus,
revcrsioncs, servitia et alias posscssioncs quascunquc tarn in
dominio quam in reversioue infra dictum rcgnum nostrum
Angliac ac alia dominia ct loca sub obedientia nostra pcr-
quirerc, capcrc, recipcre, habere, tenere, possidere et lucrc-
ditarc sibi, htcredibus et assignatis suis imperpetuura vel alio
modo quocunquc, ac ea dare, vendere, alienare et Icgarc
cuiounquc persona; sive quibuscunque personis sibi placuerit
libcrc, quietc, licite et impunc possint et quilibet eorum possit
ad libitum suum adeo libcrc, integre et pacificc sicut possit et
valeat aliquis ligeorum nostrorum infra rcgnum nostrum
Angliac oriundus. Ita tamen quod prsedicti Johannes Fcr-
nandus, Franciscus et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes liberi sui
prscdicti solvant aut solvi faciant et eorum quilibet solvat seu
solvi faciat talia custumas, subsidia et alia dcmandia pro
bonis, mcrcibus, mercandisis ct mercimoniis suis in Regnum
nostrum Anglise adducendis vel extra idem Regnum educen-
dis qualia alicnigcni nobis solvant aut solvere debcrent vel
consuevcrunt. Et quod idem Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus
ct Johannes Gunsolus ct omnes liberi sui praedicti de caetero
in futuro colore seu vigore alicujus statuti, ordinacionis sive
conccssionis in Parliamento nostro aut extra Parliamcntum
nostrum facci vel fiendi non arcteantur seu compellantur nee
eorum aliquis arctcanetur, teneatur, seu compellatur ad sol-
vendum, dandum vel supportandum nobis vel alicui hseredum
nostrorum seu cuicunque alteri aliqua taxas, tallagia seu
alia onera quaecunque pro terris, tenementis, bonis vel per-
sonis suis praetcrquam talia ct tanta qualia et quanta alii
fi deles ligei nostri infra dictum regnum nostrum oriundi
pro bonis, terris tenementis seu personis suis solvunt, dant,

t !ffl

Ixxxiv

INTRODUCTION.

faciuut vel supportant aut solvere, dare, facere vol supportare
consucverunt ct tciieantur, scd quod procdicti Joluinncs Fcr-
nandus, Franciscus ct Johannes Gunsolua ct omncs libcri
sui prajdicti habere et possidcre valcant ct possiut et oorum
quilibet valeat et possit omnia ct oinniraodo alia libertates,
privilegia, franchesias et custnmas ac eis uti et gaudere pos-
sint et eorum quilibet possit infra dictum rcgnura nostrum
Anglise, jurisdictiones et dominia nostra quiccunquc adco
plene, libere, quiete, integre et pacifice sicut csetcri ligei
nostri infra idem regnum nostrum oriundi habcnt, utunt ct
gaudcnt ant habere, possidcre, uti et gaudere dcbeant et
valcant aliquo statuto, acto, ordinacionc vel aliqua alia causa,
re, vel materia quacunque nonobstante.

Proviso semper quod prajfati Johannes Fernandus, Fran-
ciscus ct Johannes Gunsolus homagium ligeum Nobis faciant
et eorum quilibet faciat ac lotto ct scotto et aliis oncribus
in regno nostro prajdicto dcbitis et eonsuctis contribuant ct
eorum quilibet contribuat sicut alii ligei nostri infra dictum
regnum nostrum oriundi faeiunt.

Proviso etiam quod iidcm Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus
et Johannes Gunsolus solvant et eorum quilibet solvat no'jis
ct hajredibus nostris tot et tanta custnmas subsidia ct alia
deveria pro bonis et mercandisis suis prout alienigeni nobis
solvere et reddere teneantur.

Et ulterius ex uberiori gratia nostra conccssimus prajfatis
Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni, Johanni, Francisco, et Johanni
quod ipsi habeant Prsesentes Literas Nostras in Cancellaria
nostra absque aliquo fine seu feodo aut aliquibus finibus sen
feodis pro eisdem Literis nostris aut aliqua parte eorundem
aut pro Magno Sigillo nostro ad opus nostrum in Hanna-
perio dictae Cancellarise nostrse aliqualiter solvendis.

Et volumus et concedimus per Praesentes quod Reveren-
dissimus in Christo Pater Henricus Episcopus Salisb. Gustos
Magni Sigilli nostri auctoritate prsesentis Concessionis nostrse
fieri faciat et sigillari tot et talia Brevia sub Magno Sigillo

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxxv

nostro sigillando ciistodi sivo clcrico TIanapcrii iiostri diri-
gcnda pro cxoncrationc dictorurn finium ct feodorum (piot
ct qualia in liac parte ncccssaria fiierint ot rccpiisita, a))squc
aliquo alio Warranto aut prosccutionc pcuca Nos in hac
parte facicndis.
In cujus, etc.

In the following year, viz., on the 9th of December
1502, Henry VII granted by his letters patent to
Hugh Elyot, Thomas Ashehurst, John Gunsolus, and
Francis Fernandus, and their heirs — " Auctoritatem,
facultatem et potestatem navigandi et so transferendi
ad oinncs partes et fines maris orientalis, occidentalis,
australis, borealis et septentrionalis sub banneris et
insigniis nostris ... ad inveniendum, recuperandum,
discooperiendum et investigandum insulas, patrias,
regiones sive provincias quascunque gentilium et infi-
deUum in quacunque mundi parte positas." It was
enjoined that no one should be at liberty to visit the
places discovered by the patentees for the purposes of
trade for the period of forty years after such disco-
very, without the licence of the patentees.

Philip and Mary, by their charter dated the 6th of
February, in the first and second years of their reign
(1555),^ incorporated William Marquis of AVinchester,
Henry Earl of Arundel, and others, by the name of
Merchant adventurers of England for the discovery
of lands, territories, isles, dominions and seignories
unknown ; and appointed Sebastian Cabot to be the
first Governor of the Company. This Corporation
was commonly called the Muscovy Company, and

' 1554 old style.

4^1

r«'j

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

o
o

1.0 ^BSia

~ ^ %l 12.2

w 136 warn

ut Hi

1.1 l.-^ia

— m

1-25 ||.4 ||.6

Mil

►

M '

23 WIST MAIN STRKT

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S«0

(716) •72-4503

Ixxxvi

INTRODUCTION.

enjoyed under their charter most extensive privileges
for exclusive traffic in northern parts. In the year
1566, Queen Elizabeth, in consequence of various
traders having encroached upon the monopoly of the
Muscovy Company, granted them a fresh charter of
incorporation, by the name of the Fellowship of Eng-
lish Merchants for discovery of new trades. ■*

Queen Elizabeth, by her letters patent, dated June
11th, in the twentieth year of her reign (1578),
granted unto Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, in
the county of Devon, and to his heirs and assigns for
ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and
at all times for ever, to discover, find, search out,
and view, such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands,
countries, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince or people, as to him, his heirs,
and assigns, and to every or any of them, shall seem
good, and the same to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy,
to him, his heirs, and assigns, for ever.

By letters patent, dated the 6th of February, in
the twenty-sixth year of her reign (1584), Elizabeth
granted to Adrian Gilbert, of Sandridge, in the county
of Devon, and to any other person, by him or his heirs
to be assigned, and to those his associates and assist-
ants whose names are written in a schedule thereunto
annexed and to their heirs and to one assignee of each
of them, and each of their heirs, free liberty, power,
and full authority to depart out of the realm into all
or any isles, countries, regions, provinces, and all
manner of other places whatsoever, that by the north-
westward, north-eastward, or northward, should be by

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxxvii

him, his associates or assigns, discovered. The patent
then grants the exclusive trade to all such places as
aforesaid, and confers upon the said Adrian Gilbert
and his associates the name of the " Colleagues of
the fellowship for the discovery of the northwest
passage".

By letters patent, dated 25th March, in the twenty-
sixth year of her reign (1584), Elizabeth granted
unto Sir "Walter Raleigh, his heirs and assigns for
ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and
at all times for ever, to discover, search, find out, and
view, such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands,
countries, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian
people, as to him, his heirs, and assigns, should seem
good, and to hold the same to him, his heirs, and
assigns, for ever.

The two pieces next in order, are " The declaration
of the Indies ... by Master Robert Thorne, merchant
of London", the object of which is to induce Henry
VIII to promote voyages of discovery for a passage
to the East Indies, by the north, north-east, or north-
west ; and " The Booke made by Master Robert
Thorne ... being an information of the parts of the
world discovered by [the emperor] and the king of
Portingale : and also of the way to the Moluccaes by
the north."

The subjects treated of in this latter piece are very
various and of much interest, but they are not of a
nature to call for remark here. The map which
accompanies it is not mentioned by Hakluyt in his

:?■

Ixxxviii

INTRODUCTION.

Epistle Dedicatorie; it is, however, not only curious
in itself, but derives an additional interest from the
explanation of it given by Thorne.

The " Relation of John Verarzanus" comprises an
account of his voyage along the coast of North
America, from Florida as high as Cape Breton. The
expedition consisted originally of four ships, fitted
out by Francis I, and which sailed under the com-
mand of Verazzani in the year 1523. Their first
operations were directed against the Spaniards, and
for this purpose they cruised for some time off the
coast of Spain. Three of the vessels were greatly
damaged in a storm, and Verazzani, after refitting,
proceeded alone on his voyage of discovery, — the
details of which are comprised in this relation.

This is the earliest voyage embracing a description
of the eastern coast of North America, of which any
particulars are found recorded. Verazzani, however,
was not the first by whom at least a great part of
this coast had been visited. Peter Martyr (Dec. iii,
cap. VI ) informs us that " These Northe seas have
byn searched by one Sebastian Cabot. ... He furnished
two shippes in England at his owne charges: and
fyrst with three hundreth men directed his course so
farre toward the Northe pole, that even in the raooneth
of July he founde monstrous heapes of Ise swimming
on the sea, and in maner continual day lyght. . . . Thus
seyiig iuche heapes of Ise before hym, he was enforced
to tourne his sayles and folowe the Weste, so coast-
ynge styll by the shore, that he was thereby broughte
so farre into the southe by reason of the lande bend-

INTKODUCTION.

Ixxxix

-the

yngo so muclie southward, that it was there almoste
equall in latitude with the Sea cauled Fretum Hercu-
leum, havynge the north pole elevate in maner in the
same degree. He sayled likewise in this tracte so farre
towarde the weste,that he had the islande of Cuba [on]
his lefte hande in maner in the same degree of longi-
tude."^ The statement by Gomara on the same
subject is to the same purpose. He says: — "He
armed two ships in England at the expense of
King Henry VII, who was desirous of trading in the
spicery as did the King of Portugal. Some say that
he bore the cost himself, and that he promised King
Henry to go by the north to Catayo, and to bring
thence spices in less time than the Portuguese could
accomplish it by the south. He also went for the
purpose of ascertaining what kind of country the
Indies would be to colonise. He took with him three
hundred men, and directed his course for Cape La-
brador, as high as llfty-eight degrees. ... Then Cabot
yielding to the cold and the strangeness of the land,
turned towards the west, and refitting at the Bac-
calaos, he ran along the coast as far as thirty-eight
degrees, and thence returned into England."*

This was most probably the second voyage, — that
made in 1598, after the granting of the second patent
to John Cabot.

The map which accompanies this relation is twice
referred to by Hakluyt in his Epistle Dedicatorie.

' Eden's Translation, 1555, 4to., fol. 118.
^ Lopez de Gomai'a. La Historia general de las Indias, cap.
39, fol. 31. Anvers, 1554, 12nio,

iSi

INTRODUCTION.

Speaking of the practicability of the north-west pas-
sage (p. 11), he says : " Secondly, that Master John
Verarzanus, which had been thrise on that coast, in
an olde excellent mappe which he gave to King Henrie
the Eight, and is yet in the custodie of Master Locke,
doth so lay it out as it is to bee scene in the mappe
annexed to the end of this boke, beeing made accord-
ing to Verarzanus plat." And again (at p. 17) : " The
mappe is Master Michael Locke's, a man for his know-
ledge in divers languages, and especially in cosmo-
graphie, able to doe his countrey good, and worthie, in
my judgment, for the manifolde good partes of him, of
good reputation and better fortune."

The name of Michael Lock must always occupy a
place in the history of maritime discovery. But little
has appeared in print respecting him beyond the fact
that he was consul at Aleppo for the Company of
Merchants of Turkey. In the Cotton MSS. in the
British Museum (Otho, e. viii.) are various papers
relating to his affairs with the Turkey Company,
among which (fol. 41) is the following piece of auto-
biography. " My late father, S"" William Lok, knight,
alderman of London, kept me at scholes of grammer in
England till I was xiij yeres olde, which was A°. Dni.
1545, and he being sworn servant to King Henry the
viii*** his mercer and also his agent beyond the seas
[in] dyvers aifayres, he then sent me over seas to
Flanders and France to learn those languages and to
know the world. Synce which tyme I have contynued
these xxxij yeres in travaile of body and study of
mynde, following my vocation in the trade of mer-

INTRODUCTION.

XCl

chandiso, whereof I have spent the first xv yeres in
contynuall travailc of body, passing through alhnost
all the cuntrcos of Christianity. Namely out of Eng-
land into Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, Germany,
France, Spayno, Italy, and Greece, both by land and
by sea, not without great labo™, cares, dangers and
expenses of mony incident : having had the charge (as
capitayn) of a great ship of burden 1000 tuns, by the
space of more then iij yeres in dyvers voyages in the
Levant seas, wherwithall I returned into England. In
which travailes, besides the knowledge of all those
famous common languages of those cuntries, I sought
allso for the knowledge of the state of all their common
wealths, chiefly in all matters apperteining to the
traffique of merchants. And the rest of my tyme I
have spent in England under the happy raigne of the
Queenes Ma"" now being," etc. The remainder is in-
jured by fire.

It appears from the same manuscript that he was a
great promoter of the voyages of Martin Frobisher to
discover a north-west passage to Cathay, acting as
treasurer for the first three expeditions, and in two
instances at least being left to make up a very con-
siderable sum out of his own funds. This must have
taken place some time before his engagement as consul
or agent at Aleppo for the Turkey Company.^

Hakluyt speaks of three voyages made by Veraz-
zani.' At present nothing is known of any other

* For further particulnra respecting Lock, see Additional MSS.
in the British Muaeuni, Nob. 12497, 12503, 12504, and the Z-iJe
of Sir Julius Ctiitiar (who wns his stepson), 1810, 4to. pp. 8, 9.

* See poit p, 1 1 .

XCII

INTRODUCTION.

voyage than that the particulars of which are given in
the following collection. Tiraboschi, vol. vir, p. 383,
edit. 1827, mentions a manuscript account of a voyage
by Verazzani in the following words : " Nella libreria
Strozziana in Firenze oltre la relazion sopraccenata
conservasi manoscritta una narrazione cosmografica
assai bene distesa di tutti i paesi ch'egli avea in quel
viaggio osservati, e da essa raccogliesi ch'egli ancora
evea formato il disegno di tentar per que' mari il
passaggio all' Indie orientali." A copy of this manu-
script is now on its way to England, but we are in-
formed that the particulars it contains are substantially
the same as those of which we are already in posses-
sion. Anaibale Caro, in one of his letters {Letter e
Familiari, p. 7, edit, 1610) speaks of a brother of
Verazzani as a discoverer of new lands. There may
probably be a confusion between the two, but this
point, as well as those of the connection, if any, of
Giovanni with Henry VIII,* anil the time and manner
of his death, appear to be involved in the utmost ob-
scurity.^

" The discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland,
Engroveland, etc.," which follows next in the collec-
tion, has been passed over without any editorial anno-
tation, a careful perusal of the account having led us
to the perfect conviction that the story as a whole is
a fabrication. Some of the materials of which it is
composed may be true, but the true is so blended with
the palpably false as to be no longer separable from it
otherwise than by the application of a process of ana-

' See post p. 11. ' See post p. 9S.

lyzi
pab
gen
moi

INTRODUCTION.

XCUl

lyzation far too tedious for the present work. Pal-
pably incredible, however, as this relation is, the
genuineness of its details have been contended for by
more than one modern writer of intelligence ; and an
amount of labour has been spent upon the investigation
which could only be justified by the degree of credit
the account enjoyed during a period of nearly two
hundred years, and the influence this ill-placed faith
exercised on the early progress of geographical know-
ledge. Although, as we have said above, the scope of
the present work will not allow of a complete exami-
nation and exposure of all the points of this imposture,
neither should we have thought it advisable to rest
upon the bare denunciation of falsehood against it,
had the subject not been treated so clearly and in so
satisfactory a manner by Captain C. C. Zahrtmann,
in the fifth volume of the Journal of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society of London, p. 102. In this most
excellent paper the author contends :

First. — That there never existed an island of
Frisland ; but that what has been represented Uy
that name in the chart of the Zeni is the Fert>o
Islands.

Second. — That the said chart has been compiled
from hearsay information, and not by any seaman
who had himself navigated in those seas for several
years.

Third. — That the " History of the voyages of
the Zeni" — more particularly that part of it which
relates to Nicol6 — is so replete with fiction, that it

XCIV

INTRODUCTION.

)

cannot be looked to for any information whatever
as to the state of the North at that time.

Fourth. — That both the history and the chart
were most probably compiled by Nicol6, a de-
scendant of the Zeni, from accounts which came to
Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century, being
the epoch when information respecting Greenland
first reached that country, and when interest was
awakened for the colony which had disappeared.

It is not our purpose to follow Captain Zahrtmann
through his chain of proofs in support of these several
positions. His arguments appear to us most conclu-
sive ; and they are easily ace essible to allwho take
sufficient interest in the subject to desire to follow out
the investigation.

At the period when Ribault wrote his account of
" the true and last discoverie of Florida," and for a
very long time afterwards, the name of Florida was
applied to that vast tract of country extending from
Canada to the Rio del Norte. The present boundaries
of the state were not definitively fixed until the year
1795, when they were settled by treaty with Spain.

Ribault, in the early part of his narrative, says
that " many from time to time have gone about to
finde out this great lande, and to inhabite there, who
neverthelesse have alwaies failed, and beene put by
from their intention and purpose; some by fear of
shipwrackes, and some by great windes and tempestes,
that drove them backe to their marveilous griefe."
That this assertion was substantially true, not only

INTRODUCTION.

XCV

of the district then known as Florida, but also of the
entire country from Mexico northwards, will appear
from the following facts. Of the voyage of Sebastian
Cabot in 1498, but slight particulars have come down
to us: supposing, however, that he left some of his
three hundred men as colonists on any part of the
American coast, it is certain that the settlement never
took root. The voyage of Verazzani produced no
result. Jacques Cartier in the years 1534 and 1535
visited the higher parts of North America. In the
first voyage he discovered the gulph of St. Lawrence,
and in the second the river of that name, up which he
sailed three hundred leagues, and took possession of
the country (which he called New France,) in the
name of his sovereign Charles IX. In both voyages
he wintered in the country, returning home in the
spring, but made no settlement. In the year 1540 he
was dispatched thither again by Francis I, with five
ships, for the purpose of extending his discoveries in
Canada and Hochelaga, to which latter district he gave
the name of Montreal. It was now determined that
the work of colonization should be vigorously prose-
cuted, and that Cartier should be followed as speedily
as possible by Frangois de la Roche, Sieur de Roberval,
as governor of Canada, with emigrants, and all
necessary stores. Cartier arrived in Canada in August
1540, and waited until 1542 for Roberval (who had
been detained in France by various obstacles), when
finding himself reduced to great extremities, he re-
turned to France. Roberval arrived in Canada this
same year and planted his colony, shortly after which

XCVl

INTRODUCTION.

he also returned to Frnnce, and the colony was totally
neglected. In 1549 Robervul again embarked for the
St. Lawrence, accompanied by his brother and many
emigrants, but they were never heard of afterwards.
Another attempt at colonization on the American
coast was made in the year 1555, under the auspices
of the Admiral Coligny, who was actuated by the
double object of promoting the welfare of his native
country, and of providing for the Protestants of
France a refuge from religious persecution, of which
he foresaw they would ere long stand in great need.
Tlie Chevalier de Villagagnon, who had embraced the
tenets of the Reformed Church, was chosen to com-
mand the expedition, which consisted of two ships.
In this instance Villagagnon selected South America,
and landing at the river Janeiro, constructed a fort,
to which he gave the name of his patron Coligny.
This fort was soon washed away by the sea. Three
ships arrived at the settlement in the year 1557, car-
rying colonists, and also fourteen missionaries sent
out by the Church of Geneva ; but Villagagnon had
in the mean time abandoned the Protestant religion,
and returned to his old faith. The settlers, treated
by him with harshness, became discouraged, and the
greater number returned home in the following year.
Many of those who remained were murdered by the
Portuguese, who compelled the few survivors to quit
the colony in the year 1560. This attempt having
proved abortive, Coligny, anxious to carry out his
project of colonization, selected Jean Ribault as the
captain of an expedition to the coast of North America.

INTUODUCTION.

XCVll

A man more fit for his purpose could not have been
chosen. The account of this voyage which Hakluyt
has printed, is of tlie most interesting character; but
it breaks off with the departure of Ribault from the
shores of Florida on his return to France, leaving his
readers in ignorance of the fate of the small band of
brave men ho left behind hiin. Fortunately we
possess an account of this same voyage, and of
two which succeeded it, edited and published by
Basanier at the instigation and expense of Hakluyt in
the year 1586, and translated and published by
Hakluyt himself in the following year.' From this
work we learn' that when Ribault had explored the
coast and neighbouring country, as described in his
own Accpunt, and while at Port Royal, he called his
men together, and addressed them in the following
terms : " I thinke there is none of you that is ignoraunt
of howe greate consequence this our enterprise is, and
also howe acceptable it is to our young king; there-
fore, my friends, as one desiring your honour and
benefite, I woulde not fayle to advertise you all of the
exceeding greate good happe which shoulde fall to them,
which as men of valure and worthy courage, would
make triall in this our first discoverie of the benefites
and commodities of this newe lande : which should be,
as I assure myselfe, the greatest occasion that ever
could happen unto them to arrise unto the title and
degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous
to propose unto you, and set dowiie before yeour eies,

' See ante p. xix.

* We quote from Hakluyt's translation.

i \

h '

xcvni

INTRODUCTION.

i I

the eternall memorie which of right they deserve,
which forgetting both their parents and their countrey,
have had the courage to enterprise a thing of such
importance, which even kinges themselves understand-
ing to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnani-
mitie, and increase of their majesties, doe not disdaiue
so wel to regarde, that afterwardes, employing them
in matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make
their names immortal for ever. How beit I woulde
not have you persuade yourselves, as manie do, that
you shall never have such good fortune, as not being
knowen neither to the king nor the princes of the
realme, and besides descending of so poore a stock that
few or none of your parents having ever made pro-
fession of armes have beene knowen unto the great
estates. For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my
self have applied al my industry to follow them, and
have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the
service of my prince, yet could I never attaine ther-
unto (not that I did not deserve this title and degree
of government) as I have seen it happen to many others,
only bicause they descended of a noble race, since
more regard is had of their birth than of their vertue.
For well I knowe that if vertue were regarded, there
would more be found better to deserve the title, and
by good right to be named noble and valiant. I Avill
therfore make sufficient answeare to such proposi-
tions and suche thinges as you maye object against
mee, laying before you the infinite examples which
we have of the Romaines : which, concerning the
point of honour, were the first that triumphed over

INTRODJCTION.

XCIX

the world. For how many find wc among them
which for their so valiant enterprises, not for the
greatnesse of their parentage, have obtayned the
honour to triumph. If we have recourse unto their
ancestors, wee shall finde that their parentes were of so
meane condition, that by labouring with their handes
they lived verie basely. As the father of Jj^lius Pcrtinax,
which was a poor artisant ; his grandfather likewise
was a bondman, as the historiographers do witnessc :
and neverthelesse, being moved with a valiant courage
he was nothing dismayed for al this, but rather de-
sirous to aspire unto high things, he began with a
brave stomache to learne feates of armes, and profited
so well therein, that from steppe to step he became at
length to be emperour of the Romaines. For all this
dignitie he despised not his parentes ; but contrariwise,
and in remembrance of them hee caused his father's
shoppe to be covered with a fine wrought marble, ^o
serve for an example to men descended of base and
poore linages, and give them occasion to aspire unto
high things notwithstanding the meanness of their
ancestors. I will not passe over in silence the ex-
cellencie of prowes of the valiant and renowned
Agathocles, the sonne of a simple potter ; and yet,
forgeting the contemptible estate of his father, he so
applied himself to vertue in his tender yeeres, that by
the favour of armes he came to be king of Sicilia ; and
for all this title he refused not to be counted the sonne
of a potter. But the more to eternise the memorie
of his parents and to make his name renowned, he
commanded that he should be served at the table

■ 3

Hi:

C INTRODUCTION.

with vessels of gold and silver and others of earth;
declaring thereby that the dignitie where in he was
placed came not unto him by his parents, but by his
owne vertue onely. If I shall speak of our time, I
will lay before you onely Rusten Bassha, which may
be a sufficient example to all men ; which, though he
were the sonne of a poor heardman, did so apply his
youth to all vertue, that being brought up in the
service of the great Turke he seemed so to aspire to
great and high matters in such sorte, that growing in
yeeres he increased also in courage, so farre foorth
that in fine for his excellent vertues he married the
daughter of the great Turke his prince. How much
then ought so many worthy examples to move you to
plant here ? Considering also that hereby you shalbe
registered for ever as the first that inhabited this
strange countrey. I pray you therefore all to advise
your selves therof and to declare your minds freely
unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your
names in the king's earcs, and the other princes, that
your renowme shall hereafter shyne unquenchable
through our realme of Fraunce."

This speech excited the greatest enthusiasm among
his men, and the volunteers to remain were so numer-
ous that the only difficulty was whom to select.
Twenty-eight men were ultimately chosen, at the
head of whom he placed Albert de la Pierria, " a
souldier of long experience, and the first that from
the beginning did offer to tarry". His next care was
to find a fit place for the settlement, and after some
search he fixed upon a spot generally supposed to be

sm{

the

INTRODUCTION.

the site of the present town of Beaufort. Here he
erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Charles-
fort, after the reigning sovereign of France ; and
having supplied it abundantlj'^ with stores of all kinds,
resigned it to the settlers with the following observa-
tions : " Captayne Albert, I have to request you, in the
presence of all men, that you would quite yourselfe so
wisely in your charge, and governe so modestly your
small company which I leave you, which with so
good cheere remayneth under your obedience, that I
never have occasion but to commend you, and to re-
count unto the king, as I am desirous, the faithful
service which before us all you undertake to doe him
in his New France : And you, companions, quoth
he to the souldiers, I beseech you also to esteeme of
Captayne Albert as if it were myselfe that stayed
here with you ; yeeldin^ him that obedience which a
souldier oweth unto his generall and captayne, living
as brethren one with another without all dissension,
and in so doing God will assist you and bless your
enterprises." After this admirable exhortation Ri-
bault and his company took leave of the settlers and
returned into France.

Albert and his companions now set themselves dili-
gently to work to fortify their position. This neces-
sary work accomplished, they spent their time in
exploring the country and forming friendships with
the Indians. All this was wisely and prudently done :
but unfortunately they neglected one most important
duty ; they made no provision for their future sus-
tenance. As a natural consequence, when the stores

;?ii

lit

INTRODUCTION.

left them by Ribault were exhausted, they were forced
to apply for assistance to the natives. This appeal
was responded to readily and with great liberality,
and they had just begun to feel themselves at ease as
regarded the means of existence, when their fort acci-
dentally caught fire and was burnt to the ground.
Again the Indians came forward, and lent their aid
with such hearty good will that in twelve hours their
fort was rebuilt. Want of provisions was for some
time their principal ground of complaint, but at length
dissensions arose among them, the administration of
the affairs of the colony by Albert became unpopular,
and the hostile feeling arose at last to so great a height
that he was put to death, and a man named Barre
chosen as captain in his place. The account of this
tragedy, as given by Laudonniere, is as follows: —
" But misfortune, or rather the just judgment of
God, would have it that those which coulde not be
overcome by fire nor wator, shoulde be undone by
their owne selves. This is the common fashion of
men, which cannot continue in one estate, and had
rather to overthrowe themselves than not to attempt
some new thing daily. We have infinite examples in
the auncient histories, especially of the Romanes,
unto which number this little handful of men, being
far from their countrey and absent from their countrie-
men, have also added this present example. They
entred therfore into partialities and dissentions which
began about a souldier named Guernache, which was
a drummer of the French bands ; which, as it was
told me, was very cruelly hanged by his owne captaine

:» .

INTRODUCTION.

0111

and for a small fault ; which captaine also using
to threaten the rest of his souldiers which staled be-
hind under his obedience, and peradventure, as it is to
be presumed, were not so obedient unto him as they
should have bin, was the cause that they fell into a
mutiny, because that many times hee put his threat-
nings in execution; whereupon they so chased him

that at the last they put him to death They

assembled themselves together to choose one to be
governour over them, whose name was Nicholas
Barr^, a man worthy of commendation, and one which
knew so well to quite himself of his charge, that all
rancour and dissention ceased among them and they
lived peaceably one with another."

This account was derived by Laudonni^re from the
mutineers themselves, whose interest it was to throw
all the blame upon the murdered man. But
Williams, in his Territory of Florida (New York,
1837, 8vo.) presents us with a somewhat different
version of the story. He says (p. 170) : " Albert
visited the Indian princes in his neighbourhood, cul-
tivating their friendship and paying every attention to
their waiits, and such was his success that they readily
supplied his people with provisions, and made them
many presents of pearls, crystals, silver, etc. The
colonists, however, were licentious, lazy and quarrel-
some, and to preserve peace between them and the
natives, he was obliged to exercise a very strict disci-
pline ; this they would not endure. Among the co-
lonists was one Lachan [query. La Ch^re], who was a
popular demagogue : he endeavoured to reduce some of

' >

CIV

INTRODUCTION.

the Indians to slavery, which Albert would not permit,
and compelled him to do justice to the natives. A mu-
tiny was the consequence, in which Albert lost his life.
The Indians then refused to supply them with provi-
sions, and none being likely to arrive from France, the
colonists resolved to leave the fort and return to their
country, etc."

Whatever may have been the circumstances by
which Albert was led to adopt those measures of
severity which cost him his life, his murder doubtless
increased the difficulties of the settlers, and rendered
it necessary that they should devise means for quitting
Florida. With great labour, none of them being
acquainted with the art of ship building, they con-
structed a small pinnace ; the natives supplied them
with cordage, and the sails they made out of their
shirts and the sheets of their beds. In this ill-con-
structed vessel they put to sea, scantily supplied with
provisions even for an uninterrupted voyage. Again
the consequences of their want of foresight fell heavily
upon them. When they had made about one-third of
their voyage, the wind, which had hitherto been fa«
vourable, fell, and they lay becalmed for three weeks,
making in all this time only about twenty-five leagues.
Their provisions were soon exhausted, and after expe-
riencing all the ordinary sufferings of famine, they
were forced to the crowning horror, that of sacrificing
one for the safety of the rest. A man named La
Chere voluntarily offered himself. Before it became
necessary to sacrifice a second victim, they were
picked up by an English vessel, who, after putting the

INTRODUCTION.

most fceblo on shore (wc are not told on what land)
carried the rest to England, where they were pre-
sented to Queen Elizabeth.

The civil war which raged in France at the time
of Ribault's return prevented the government from
giving any attention to the settlement in Florida; but
on the restoration of peace, Laudonni6re was appointed
to command three ships fitted out for the purpose
of carrying succours to Albert and his companions.
They set sail on the 22nd of April 1564, and arrived
on the coast of Florida on the 22nd of June following.
On this occasion, finding the settlement at Charlesfort
abandoned, they selected a spot for their plantation
near the mouth of the river May (now called the St.
John), where they erected a fort, to which they gave the
name of Fort Caroline in honour of Charles IX
of France. They do not oppear to have taken any
wiser measures for a permanent settlement than those
adopted by Albert, spending their time like him in
exploring the country, and also suffering like their
predecessors from want of provisions. After the
lapse of more than a year, during which time they
were often reduced to the brink of starvation, the men
became clamorous to return to France, but two of
their vessels having been carried away several months
previously by some of their mutinous companions,
they no longer possessed the means of transport.

On the 3rd of August, 1565, however, Sir John
Hawkins came upon the coast, and through his hu-
manity and kindness the suffering Frenchmen were
put in a condition to escape from this wretched con-

CVl

INTKODUCTION.

dition. The following is the account given by Lau-
donni^re of the generous conduct of the British com-
mander, who voluntarily offered them a free passage
to France, and ultimately, at the desire of Laudonnifere,
sold them one of his ships. " "We therefore tooke a
viewe of the shippe which the generall would sell,
whom we drewe to such reason that he was content
to stand unto mine owne men's judgment, who
esteemed it to be worth seven hundred crowns, wherof
we agreed very friendly. Wherfore I delivered him in
earnest of the summe two bastards, two mynions, one
thousand of iron and one thousand of powder. This
bargaine thus made he considered the necessity wherein
we were, having for all our sustenance but myl and
water : whereupon being moved with pitie, he offred
to relieve me with twenty barrels of meale, six pipes
of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of waxe
to make candels. Moreover, forasmuch as he sawe my
souldyers goe barefoote, he offred me besides fifty
payres of shoes, which I accepted, and agreed of a
price with hym, and gave hym a byll "of mine hand for
the same, for which untill this present I am indebted
to hym. He did more than this : for particularly he
bestowed uppon myselfe a great jare of oyle, a jare of
vynagre, a barill of olyves, and a great quantitye of
ryce, and a barill of white biscuit. Besides he gave
diverse presents to the principall officers of my com-
panye according to their qualities ; so that I may saye
that wee receaved as manye courtesies of the generall
as it was possible to receive of any man living."
Having made all necessary preparations, they were

!!■

INTRODUCTION.

CVU

about to depart on the 28th of August, when several
vessels were discovered making for the shore. This
proved to be Ribault, who had returned to Florida
with seven ships, carrying emigrants and stores, and
with authority to supersede Laudonnifere in the go-
vernment of the colony. About a week after his
arrival, six large Spanish ships appeared on the coast,
and anchored in the road, where four of the French
ships lay which were too large to enter the river.
The Frenchmen, distrusting the intentions of the
Spaniards, slipped their cables, and stood out to sea.
The Spaniards immediately gave chase, and fired upon
them, but finding the French too fast for them, they
returned to the coast, and entered a river about eight
leagues from the River May, named by Ribault, in
his first voyage, the Dolphins. The French vessels
soon afterwards returned to their former position off
the mouth of the River May. Ribault was at this
time on shore with Laudonni^re, who was confined by
fever. When the arrival of the Spaniards was reported
to Ribault, he determined to attack them with the
three ships that were in the river, notwithstanding
the remonstrances of Laudonniere, whose objections he
silenced by producing a letter from the Admiral
Coligny, containing these words : — " While I was
sealing this letter, I received certain advice, that Don
Pedro Melendes is departing from Spain to go to the
coast of New France. See that you suffer him not to
encroach upon you, and that you do not encroach
upon him." On the 10th of September Ribault
departed on this expedition, taking with him almost

ilil

!l<

if,

cviii

INTRODUCTION.

every man accustomed to bear arms, and thus depriv-
ing Laudonniire of all means of offering effective
resistance to the Spaniards should they attack him,
as he fully anticipated they would do. He endeavoured
as far as he was able to repair and strengthen the
fort, but a violent storm commenced immediately
after Ribault's departure, and continued with such
severity, that the works were greatly impeded. The
same cause, however, which checked their defensive
operations, gave them a delusive sense of security, as
they imagined the Spaniards would never attempt an
attack during such tempestuous weather. In this,
however, they were fatally mistaken. On the 20th of
September, the Spaniards suddenly appeared, having
been guided overland by a deserter named Franyois
Jean, and captured the fort after a very slight resist-
ance — the greater part of those who attempted to
defend it were slain, and Laudonniere himself escaped
with difficulty to the woods. The only chance of
safety consisted in reaching the French ships, which
lay at the mouth of the river. To accomplish this
he had to wade through the marshes, and passed the
night standing up to his neck in water, supported in
the arms of one of his soldiers: in the morning he
got safely on board, and succeeded in picking up
about eighteen or twenty others, the rest being all
butchered by the Spaniards. Dismal as was the fate
of Laudonniere and his company, that of Ribault was
yet more disastrous. Tlie storm which we have
already mentioned as having arisen immediately after
his departure from the River May, wrecked all his

INTRODUCTION.

CIX

ships, and he and his men, to the number of about
six hundred, escaped with difficulty to shore in the
neighbourhood of the spot where the Spaniards had
encamped. It is said, that even under these unfa^
vourable circumstances, Ribault might have attacked
the enemy with a prospect of success, but his men
were discouraged. One party of two hundred gave
themselves up, and were forthwith led by tens behind
a sand-hill and butchered in cold blood. Three days
afterwards, Hibault and one hundred and fifty more
surrendered, and were in like manner murdered. Le-
scarbot, in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France^ says,
that Ribault was flayed alive, and his skin sent into
Spain. Of the remainder, twenty escaped to the
woods, and were never heard of afterwards ; and the
rest, being too insignificant to cause any fear to the
Spaniards, were spared. The French settlement was
thus utterly destroyed by the Spaniards, who, it must be
borne in mind, were at this time at peace with France.
They attached labels to their murdered victims, on
which were inscribed the words, " Not as Frenchman,
but as heretics" — the poor Frenchmen being Hugue-
nots. These atrocious deeds were bitterly revenged
by Dominique de Gourgues, who in the year 1567,
fitted out a private expedition, and in his turn utterly
annihilated the settlement raised by the Spaniards on
the ruins of Fort Caroline— hanging those who were
not destroyed by the sword, to whom he attached
labels, with the words, " Not as Spaniards, but as
murderers". The particulars of this expedition are of
high interest, but the scope of the present work does

i,'

III

INTRODUCTION.

not permit us to carry any further the history of the
colonization of America.

Eight ga-
lien belonge
tollierivcrof
LiHbun & six
to )e river of
Sivil.

On the 14th day of September 1585, Sir Francis
Drake sailed from England ^on his voyage to the West.
Indies, in comman'i of twenty-five ships. He first
directed his course to the coast of Spain, and anchored
within the isles of Bayona, now called the islands of
Cies, at the mouth of the Bay of Vigo. His appear-
ance caused the greatest consternation among the
Spaniards ; and the Marquis of Santa Cruz, High-
Admiral of Spain, drew up suggestions for the neces-
sary defences, both on the coast of Spain, and for the
Spanish possessions in the East and West Indies. A
translation of a small part of this plan, in the hand-
writing of Hakluyt, is now in the possession of Mr.
Henry Stevens. By the kind permission of this gen-
tleman, we are enabled to present the members of the
society with a fac-simile of this highly interesting
fragment, of which we also append a transcript for
the benefit of those of our readers to whom the hand-
writing of the sixteenth century may not be familiar.

" That the castles of this citie, river, and teritorie, bee
victuayled : and that they bee provided of powder, mach,
and leade, and al things els touchinge artillerie : as I have
craved the same in my supplications, w"*' I sent unto his
ma*** the seventh of March this present yere 1585.

" That the galies bee provided for fower monethes, and
that sixe more bee brought from Spayne unto this river
w* r i) soldiers in every galie, that they may bee devided

.<J •> .'

'V r ^i r:\

.•■I**' •• ■"> .\.

- '" ■**< '<..',»5*«n '

j,^

.V"b

J . I

; '. 0«':.j '*5-..

v^U-^t-

..^

(En dors e d . )

/u<:<

and la^rt Jtimvttti^ ^Qjewne

^ *^ .JR-wa^

INTRODUCTION.

CXI

amonge those eight w"** are here in this river of Lisbon.
And in case that it fall out that the English army goe not
for the Indies, and occupie it selfe in this kingdome,
because there bee English ships w"** will doe the one and
the other, wee shall bee enforced to make another army
for the safe conduct of the Indian fleete of twelve ships,
fower pataches, and fifteene hundred soldiers, beside ma-
riners.

" Al these things seeme unto me to bee necessarie for
his ma"'" service to bee prepared w'*" greate diligence and
care, and to provide money needful for the same without
preferringe the one before the other, but that al may bee
don without omittinge of any parte. Yet I referre my-
selfe wholely to better advice and riper judgment. Written
in Lisbon the 26 of October, after the Spanish accompte,
1585.

THE ENDB.

Translated out of Spanish by Richard
Hakluyt, preacher.

(Endorsed.)
" The opinion of Don Alvaro Ba§an, Marches of Santa
Cruz, and late Admiral of Spayne, touching the army of
Francis Drake, lying at the yles of Bayona, on the cost of
Galizia, declaring what harme hee might doe in al the
West Indies."

The document of which the above is a portion is
printed entire in Hakluyt's General Collection, vol.
iii,p. 532. Edit. 1600.

I i-

■I

voy

DIVERS

voyages touching the discouerie of
America and the Hands adiacent

vnto the same, made first of all by our
Englishmen and afterwards by the French-
men and Britons.

And certaine notes of aduertisements and obserua-

tions, necessarie for such as shall heereafter

make the like attempt.

Wxf\^ tf»o jHappeo annercU l^eenunto for t^e

plaintr unHerstanUtng of X^t h)|)oIe

matter.

Imprinted at Lon-
don for Thomas Woodcocke,

dwelling in paules Church- Yardt
at the signe of the blacke beare.

1582.

THE NAMES OF CERTAINE LATE WRITERS OF

OEOORAPHIB, WITH THE YEERE

WHEREIN THEY WROTE.

The yeuro i)f
our Lorile,

1800. Abolfada Ismacli Prince of Syria, Persia, and Assyria.'

1320. John Mandeuill, Englishman.'

1500. AlbortuB Crantssius of Hamburge.'

1520. Peter Martyr, Millanoyse.*

1525. Oonsaluo Ouiedo, Spaniarde.*

1527. Robert Thome, Englishman.

1530. Hioronymui Fracastor, Italian.^

1539. Gemma Fnaius.^

1540. Antonio di Mondoza, Spaniard.^

1541. Oerardus Morcator, Fleming.^

1549. John Baptista Guicchardine, Florentine.^"

1553. John Baptista Ramusius, hee gathered many notable

things."

1554. Sebastian Munster, Germane.^^

1554. Thomas Giunti, Venetian."

1555. Clement Adams, Englishman.
1555. Orontius Finaeus, Frenchman.'*

(1) Iiamall Ibn AH Abulfeda, King of Hammah, in Syria, born in the
year 1273, (3) Sir John Mandoville, born at St. Albans. (») Albert
Krantz, a native of Hamburg. (*) Pietro Martire Anghiera, bom at
Arena in 1450. (A) Oontalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Yaldez, born at
Madrid about 1478. (") Girolamo Fracastoro, a native of Verona, bom
in the year 1483. (7) Reinems Qomma, bom at Dockum, in Friesland,
in lfi08. (8) Antonio do Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico. (9) Qerard
Mercator, born at Rupolmond, in 1512. Q^) Giovanni Batista Quic-
ciardini, (1^) Oiovanni Batista Ramusio, born at Venice in 1486.
(12) Sebastian MUnster, born at Ingelheim in 1489. (}^) Tommaso
Giunti, a oolebrutod printer at Venice. {'*) Oronce Fin^, born at Bri-

1564. Abraham Ortelius, Fleming.'*

1574. Hierome Osorius, Portingall.'"

1575. Andreas Theuet, Frenchman."
1575". Francis Belforest, Frenchman.'*

1576. Humfrey Gilbert Knight, Englishman."^

1577. Dionyse Settle, Englishman.

1578. George Beste, Englishman.
1580. Nicolas Chauncellor, Englishman.

an9on iu the year 1494. (i") Abram Ortel, a native of Antv/'srp, was
born in the year 1527. ('^) Jeronimo Osorio, bom at Lisbon in 1606.
(17) Andre Thevet, a native of Angouldme. (^^) Francois Belleforest,
bom at Sarzan, near Samatan, in 1530. (i^) Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
born in Devonshire in 1539.

TUE NAMES OP CERTAINE LATE TRAUAYLERS, BOTH

BY SEA AND BY LANDE, WHICH ALSO FOR THE

MOST PART HAUE WRITTEN OP THEIR

OWNE TRAUAYLES AND VOYAGES.

, was
1506.
)re8t,
Ibert,

The yere of
our Lorde.

1178. Beniamiu Tudelensis, a lewe.'

1270. Marcus Faulus, a Venetian.'

1300. Harton, an Armenian.'

1320. John Mandenile Knight, Englishman.

1380. Nicolaus and Antonius Zeni, Venetians.

1444. Nicolaus Conti, Venetian.

1492. Christopher Columbus, a Genoway.*

1497. Sebastian Gabot, an Englishman, the sonne of a

Venetia.'
1497. M. Thome and Hugh Eleot of Bristowe, Englishmen.
1497. Vasques de Gama, a Portingale.^
1500. Gasper Corterealis, a Portingale.^
1516. Edoardus Barbosa, a Portingale.*
1519. Femandus Magalianes, a Portingale.^
1530. John Barros, a Portingale.'"
1534. Jaques Cartier, a Briton."
1540. Francis Vasques de Coronado, Spaniarde.
1542. John Gaeton, Spaniarde.'*

(') Benjamin Ben Joua, bom at Tudela in the first half of the twelfth
century. (2) Marco Polo, a native of Venice. (3) Hatto, Hayto, Aitho-
nus, Aythonus, Haithonus, or Aytonus, Prince of Gorigos, in Cilicia.
{*) Gristoforo Colombo, a native of Genoa, born about the year 1447.
(6) Sebastian Cabot, born at Bristol about the year 1467. (^) Vasco da
Gama, bom at Sines, in Portugal. (T) Gaspar Cortereal, born at Lisbon.
(B) Duarte Barbosa, a native of Lisbon. (^) Fernando de Magalhaens.
(1*) loao de Barros, was bom at Viseu, in Portugal, in the year 1496.
(11) Jacques Cartier, bom at St. Malo. (i2) Juan Gaetano.

1549. Francis Xauier, a Portingale."

1553. HughWillowbie knight and Richard Chauncellor,Eng.

1554. Francis Galuano^ a Portingale.'^

1556. Steuen and William Burros, Englishmen.'^
1562. Antonie Jenkinson, Englishman.
1562. John Ribault, a Frenchman.
1565. Andrewe Theuet, a Frenchman.
1576. Martin Frobisher, Englishman.'*
1578. Francis Drake, Englishman.'^
1580. Arthur Pet and Charles Jackma, Englishmen.
1582. Edwarde Fenton and Luke Warde, Englishmen.
1582. Humfrey Gilbert knight, Edward Heyes, and Antonie
Brigham, Englishmen.

(18) Frauqois Xavier, Saint, born at the Castle of Xavier, at t^e foot of
the Pyrenees, in 1506. ('*) The person here meant appears to be Antonio
Galvam, Governor of the Moluccas, bom in 1603 at Lisbon ; or, according
to Barbosa Machado, in the East Indies. Q^) Stephen Burrough, bom
at Northam, in Devonshire, in 1525. (i^) Sir Martin Frobisher, born at
Doncaster. Q'') Sir Francis Drake, born near Tavistock, in Devonshire,
in 1645.

li)

A VERIE LATE AND GREAT PROBABILITIE OF A PASSAGE

BY THE NORTIMVEST PART OF AMERICA IN FIFTY-

EiailT DEGREES OF NORTHERLY LATITUDE.

An excellent learned man of Portingale, of singulcr grauety,
authorities and experience, tolde mee very lately, that one
Anm Cortereal,^ Captayne of the yle of Tercera, about the
yeere 1574, which is not aboue eight yeres past, sent a Shippe
to discouer the North-west passage of America, and that the
same shippe arriuing on the coast of the saide America, in
fiftie eyghte degrees of latitude, fouude a great entrance ex-
ceeding deepe and broade without all impediment of ice, into
whiche they passed aboue twentie leagues, and found it alwaies
to trende towarde the South, the lande lying lowe and plaine
on eyther side : And that they perswaded them selues verely
that there was a way open into the south sea. But their
victailes fayling them, and being but one shippe, they returned
backe agayne with ioy. This place seemeth to lie in equal
degrees of latitude with the first entrance of the sounde of
Denmark, betweene Norway and the head land, called in
Latin Cimbrorum promontorium,^ and therefore like to bee
open and nauigable a great part of the yeere. And this
report may be well annexed unto the other eight reasons
mentioned in my epistle dedicatorie, for proofe of the likeli-
hood of this passage by the north-west.'

* i.e., loao, or loannes. ^ Anglici, the Skaw.

* This statement is extremely vague. There can be no doubt but that
the '' great entrance" mentioned in the text was Hudson's Straits ; but,
unfortunately, we have no further account of this expedition. It is, to
say the least, singular, that the names of Gaspar Cortereal and his de-
scendant or relative Anus (or Joannes), should be connected with two
independent discoveries of this great inland sea, at the distance of nearly
eighty years from each other.

TO THE RIGHT WOllSHIPFULL AND MOST

VERTUOUS GENTLEMAN MASTER

PHILLIP SYDNEY, ESQUIRE.

I MAttUAiiiE not a little (right worshipfuU) that since the first
discoucric of America (which is nowe full fourcscore and
tenne yeeres), after so great conquests and plantings of the
Si)aniarde8 and Portingalcs there, that wee of Englaude could
neucr haue the grace to set fast footing in such fcrtill and
temperate places as are left as yet vTipossessed of them. But
againe, when I consider that there is a time for all men, and
sec the Portingalcs time to be out of date, and that the
nakednesse of the Spaniards and their long hidden secretes^
are nowe at length espied, whereby they went about to delude
the worlde, I conceiuc great hope that the time approchcth
and nowe is, that wc of England may share and part stakes
(if wee will our selues), both with the spaniardc and the
Portingale, in part of America and other regions, as yet vn-
discouered. And surely if there were in vs that desire to
aduaunce the honour of our countrie which ought to bee in
euery good man, wee woulde not all this while haue foreslowne'
the possessing of those landes, whiche of equitie and right
appertaine vnto vs, as by the discourses that foUowe shall
appeare most plainely . Yea, if wee woulde beholde with the eye
of pitie how al our Prisons are pestered and filled with able men
to serue their Countrie, which for small roberies are dayly
hanged vp in great numbers, euen twentie at a clappe, out of
one iayle (as was scene at the last assizes at Rochester), wee

* By " hidden secretes", it is presumed that the author alludes to the
false pretence of religion used by the Spaniards as a cloak for their cruel
oppression of the Indians ; or, as he expresses it in a subsequent passage,
" pretending to convert infidels, but seeking their goods."

2 Foreslowne — Forborne, in the sense of neglected.

TIIK KIMSTI.K DKDICATOltlK.

wouldc h;^«tun mid further cuory num to his power tlio de-
ducting;' of some Colonics of our supcrfluouH people into those
temperate nnd fertile partes of America, which, beinjj within
■ixe wecJ''^s sayliug of En{;land, are yet vnpossessed by any
ChristimnN ; and sccnie to offer themselucs vnto vs, stretching
iieerer vnto her Maicstics Dominions then to any other part
of Europe. Wee reado that the Bees who* they grow to be
too many in their own hiues at home, are wont to bee led
out by their Captaines to swarme abroad and secke them-
Bclues a new dwelling place. If the examples of the (ire-
cians and Carthaginians of olde time and the practise of our
age may not mooue vs, yet let vs Icarne wisdome of these smal
weake and vnreasonable creatures. It chaunccd very lately
that vpon occasion I had great conference in matters of Oos-
mographie with an excellent learned man of Portingale,
most priuie to all the discouerics of his nation, who wondered
that those blessed countries from the point of Florida North-
ward were all this while vnplantcd by Christiana, protesting
with great affection and zeale, that if hee were nowc as
young as I (for at this present hee is threescore yecres of
age) hee woulde sel all hee had, being a man of no small wealth
and honour, to furnish a conuenient number of ships to sea
for the inhabiting of those countries, and reducing those
gentile people to christianitie. Moreouer, hee added, that
John Barros, their chiefe Cosmographer, being moued with
the like desire, was the cause that Brcsilia was first inhabited
by the Portingales i'^ where they haue nine baronies or lord-

' Deducting, j. e., convoying.

2 Tliis statement must be received w'th caution. The coast of Brazil
was discovered by Vicente Yaflez Pinzon, in the year 1499, and posses-
sion taken for the crown of Portugal by Pedro Alvarez Cabral in 1500.
The first settlement was made as early as the year 15U3, by Amerigo
Vespucci. Toa5 de Barros, who was not born until the year 149G, held
successively the offices of Captain or Governor of Fort St. George da
Mina, Treasurer of the Colonial Department, and Factor or Agent-
General for the Colonial Possessions of Portugal in India and Africa.

(>r H li'iii'iii'cl

MiinterJiiljii
lilllTlls, tlir
I'UUsiTol'tlie
hilinliitiiiK
of Breailiu.

I'l V

THE EPISTLR

ships, and thirtie engennies or suger milles, two or three
hundred slaues belonging to eche my 11, with a ludge and
other oflScers and a Church : so that euery mill is as it were a
little common wealth : and that the countrie was first planted
by such men as for small oflFences were saued from the ropeJ
This hee spake not onely vnto mee and in my hearing, but
also in the presence of a friend of mine, a man of great skill
in the Mathematikes. If tljis mans desire might bee exe-
cuted, wee might not only for the present time take posses-
sion of that good land, but also, in short space, by God's
grace, finde out that shorte and easie passage by the North-
About 1539 he obtained the Captaincy (or in other words a grant) of a
district in the Brazils called Maranham, but that was ten years after the
attention of the Portuguese goyernmcnt had been steadily directed
towards the colonization of the Brazils, and the system of dividing
the country into captaincies had been adopted. His great work, the
Decads, was not published until the year 1553, and these contained the
history of the East and not of the West Indies. It appears, therefore, that
neither his official nor his historical labours pointed towards the American
"jntinent ; and although he ma^ have influenced the movements of his
government in this respect, there is no evidence on record to support the
broad assertion contained in the text. — See Barbosa Machado, BiUiotheca
Lusitana. — Southey's History of the Brazils, part i, page 32-48.

* The Portuguese and Spaniards, but particularly the former, set the
example to modern Europe of transporting criminals to their colonies.
The first legislative enactment in England, upon the subject of transport-
ation, was the statute 39 Eliz. c. 4, by the fourth section of which it was
enacted — ^that " if any rogues shall appear to be dangerous io the inferior

sort of people, &c, they may lawfully bee banished out of this realme

unto such parts beyond ye seas, as shall be at any time hereafter for that

purpose assigned by the Privy Councell or by any sixe or more of

them." The practical interpretation of this act was given by James I,
who, by a letter addressed to the Treasurer and Council of the Colony of
Virginia in the year 1619, commanded them " to send a hundred disso-
lutfc persons to Virginia, which the Knight Marshal would deliver to
them." Virginia appears thus to have been the first British settlement in
America to which English criminals were transported ; and the system
was afterwards extended, particularly from the reign of Charles II, to
Maryland, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, New Jersey,
New York, and Pennsylvania. — See also Lang, Transportation and Colo-
nization, p. 8, et seqq. , . . , i .j

DEDICATOIIIE.

west, which we hauc hetherto so long desired, and whereof
wee haue many good and more then probable coniectures : a
fewe whereof I thinke it not amisse hcere to set downe,
although your worship knowe them as well as my selfe.
First, therefore, it is not to be forgotten that Sebastian
Gabot wrote to Master Baptista Ramusius, that he veryly
beleeued that all the north part of America is diuided into
IlandesJ Secondly, that master John Verazanus, which
had been thrise on that coast, in an olde excellent mappe
which he gaue to King Ilenrie the eight, and is yet in the
custodie of master Locke, doth so lay it out as it is to bee
scene in the mappe annexed to the end of this boke, beeing
made according to Verazanus plat. Thirdly, the story of
Gil Gonsalua, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara,
which is saide to haue sought a passage by the Northwest,
seemeth to argue and proue the same.* Fourthly, in the
second relation of laques Cartier, the 12 chapter, the people
of Saguinay doe testifie that vpon their coastes Westwarde
there is a sea, the ende whereof is vnknowne vnto them.'
Fiftly, in the end of that discourse is added this, as a special
remembrance, to wit, that they of Canada say that it is a
monethes space to saile to a lande where cinamon and clones
are growing.* Sixtly, the people of Florida signified vnto

' Ratnusio, Navigationi, vol. iii, Preface, p. 6.

3 For the passage referred to in the text, see Lopez do Gomara, Ilis-
toria general de las Indiaa, fol. 258. An vers, 1654, 12o.

3 The following is the passage referred to in the text : " We understood
of Donnacona and of others, that the said river is called the River of
Saguenay . . . and that beyond Saguenay the said river entcreth into two
or three great lakes, and that there is a sea of fresh water found ; and as
they have heard say of those of Saguenay, there was never man heard of
that found out the end thereof : for as they told us, they themselves were
never there." — Ilaklugt, vol. iii, p. 225. The river hero meant is the
Bt. Lawrence ; and the lakes and sea, Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michi-
gan, and Lake Superior.

* I!aHu>/t,\o\. iii, p. 232. This statement is far too vague to admit of
any conjecture as to the laud meant.

-I

THE ElMSTLK

John Ribault (as it is expressed in his discourse hccrcwithall
imprinted), that they might saile from the Riuor of May
vnto Ceuola and the south sea throtxgh their countrie within
twcntie dayes. Scuenthly, the experience of captain Fro-
bisher^ on the hyther side, and Sir Fraunces Drake on the
b.ick side of America,* with the testimonie of Nicolaus and
Anthonius Zeni, that Estotilanda is an Ilande,' doth ycehle
no small hope thereof. Lastly, the judgement of the ex-
cellent Geographer Gerardus Mercator, which his sonne,

' Frobisher made three voyages in search of a north-west passage : the
first in the year 1576, and the second and third in the two following
years. On each occasion ho penetrated far enough to excite hopes
of ultimate success ; but not so far as to meet with any of those discou-
raging circumstances which at a later period checked the spirit of adven-
ture in this quarter, and it is to be hoped will at length be allowed their
due weight in determining how far it is expedient to risk the lives of
brave men in solving a geographical problem, — the explanation of which,
however complete, can lead to no practical result. In the first voyage
those straits were discovered which have since borne Frobisher's name :
" He entered", the account says, " the same the one and twentieth of
July, and passed above fifty leagues therein . . having upon either hand
a great niaine or continent." — JIakluyt, vol. iii, p. 58. In the third
voyage, the ships missed Frobisher's Straits, and bearing to the south of
Queen Elizabeth's Foreland, entered Hudson's Straits by mistake, — " of
which mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we have great
cause to confirm our opinion, to like and hope well of the passage in this
place. For the foresaid bay or sea, the further wo sailed therein, the
wider we found it, with great likelihood of endless continuance." — lb.
vol. iii, p. 80.

' The voyage of Drake, in which he discovered and took possession of
California, under the name of New Albion, was performed in the years
1577-80. There is no circumstance connected with this voyage calcu-
lated to raise hopes of the practicabilHy of the north-west passage, beyond
the fact, that Drake sailed as high as the forty-eighth degree of north
latitude, with the bold design of returning home by a north-east passage,
and still found an open sea before him : at this point, however, the suffer-
ings of his men from cold obliged him to turn southwards again. It is
worthy of notice, that in the description of New Albion, contained in the
account of this voyage, the following passage occurs : " There is no part
of earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some probable show of
gold or silver."' — Haklui/t, vol. iii, p. 730.

3 See jwst, under " The Discoverie of the Isles of Frisland^ Iseland," etc.

BEDICATOIUE.

third
south of

-"of
ve great
in this

, the
or—lb.

Riimold Mercator, my friende, shewed mee in his letters, and thc iuiipc-

' •' ' ' nient of Oe-

drewe out for mee in writing, is not of wise men lightly to "^J,'I"''of""
be regarded. His words are these — Magna tametsi pauca SJe nohu-
de noua Probisheri nauigatione scribis, quant miror ante multos
annos no fuisse attentatam. Non enim dubium est, guin recta
et breuis via pateat in Occident em Cathaium vsq;. In quod
regnu, si recte nauigationem instituant, nobilissimas totius
mundi merces colligent et multis Gentibus adhuc idololatris
Christi nomen communicabunt. You write (saith hec to his
Sonne) great matters, though very briefly, of the new dis-
couerie of Frobisher, which I wonder was neuer these many
yeeres heretofore attempted. For there is no doubt but that
there is a straight and short way open into the West, euen
vnto Cathay. Into which kingdome, if they take their course
aright, they shall gather the most noble merchandise of all
the worlde, and shall make the name of Christ to bee knowne
vnto many idolatrous and Heathen people. And heere, to
conclude and shut vp this matter, I haue hearde my selfe of
Merchants of credite,that have lined long in Spaine,that King

A lawc

Phillip hath made a lawe of late that none of his subiectes maaeofiate

^ by King

shall discouer to -.he Northwardes of fiue and fortie degrees of p*"'"'?-
America : whiche may bee thought to proceede chiefly of two
causes, the one, least passing farther to the North they
should discover the open passage from the south sea to our
north sea : the other, because they haue not people enough
to possesse and keepe that passage, but rather thereby
shoulde open a gappe for other nations to passe that way.
Certes, if hetherto in our owne discoueries we had not beene
led with a preposterous desire of seeking rather gaine then
Gods glorie, I assure my self that our labours had taken farre
better effbcte. But wee forgotte that Godlinesse is great
riches, and that if we first seeke the kingdome of God aU
other thinges will be giuen vnto vs, and that as the light ac-
companieth the Sunnc, and the hcate the fire, so lasting riches
do waite vpon them that are zealous for the aduauncement

THE EPISTLE

■ .!

)

of the kingdome of Christ and the enlargement of his glori-
ous Gospell : as it is sayde, I will honour them that honour
mee. I truste that nowe, being taught by their manifolde
losses, our men will take a more godly course, and vse some
part of their goods to his glorie : if not, he will turne euen
their couetousnes to seme him, as he hath done the pride
and auarice of the Spaniards and Portingales, who, pretend-
ing in glorious words that they made their discoueries chiefly
to conuert Infidelles to our most holy faith (as they say) in
deed and truth, sought not them but their goods and riches.
Whiche thing, that our nation may more speedily and happily
performe, there is no better meane, in my simple iudgcmet,
then the increase of knowledge in the arte of nauigation and
breading of skilfulnesse in the sea men : whiche Charles the
Emperovir, and the king of Spaine that nowe is, wisely consi-
tatio' house dcring, haue in their Contractation house' in Sivdll, appointed

at SiuUl. ° ^^

a learned reader of the sayde art of Nauigation, and iojoied
with him certayne examiners, and haue distinguished the
orders among the sea men, as the groomet, whiche is the
basest degree, the marriner, which is the seconde, the
master the thirde, and the pilot the fourth, vnto the which
two last degrees none is admitted without hee haue heard the
reader for a certaine space (which is commonly an excellent
Mathematician, of which number were Pedro di Medina,^
which writte learnedly of the art of nauigation, and Alonso
di Chauez' and Hieronimus di Chauez, whose works likewise

1 Gontractation-house, i. e., the house in which agreements are made
for the promotion of trade^— the Exchange.

2 Pedro de Medina, born at Seville. He wrote — 1, Arte de Navegar,
Seville, 1545, fol. 2, Begimiento de Navegacion, Seville, 1563, 4to. 3,
Lihro de las Grandezas y Cosas memorahles de Espana, Seville, 1643, fol.
4, Chronica breve de Espaiui, Seville, 1548. 5, Chronica de loa Buques
de Medina Sidonia, MS. 6, Dialogos de la Verdad sabre la Conversion del
Pecador, Valladolid, 1545, fol. 7, Tabula Hispanice Oeographica ; used
by Ortelius, in his Theatrum Orbis Terrarum.

8 Alonso de Chaves was a Spanish cosraographcr, and one of the exa-
miners of pilots (Herrera, Historia general de loa Hechos de los Cmtelhtnos

Navegar,
4to. 3,
543, fol.
Duques

ihe exa-

Htellimoa

DEDICATORIE.

I haue scene),' and being founde fitte by him and his assis-
tantes, which are to examine matters touching experience,
they are admitted with as great solemnitie and giuing of pre-
sents to the ancient masters and Pilots, and the reader and
examiners, as the great doctors in the Vniuersities, or our
great Sergeantes at the hiw when they proceed, and so are
admitted to take charge for the Indies. And that your wor-
shippe may knowe that this is true. Master Steven Borrows,' m. steuen
nowe one of the foure masters of the Queene's nauie, tolde
me that, newely after his returne from the discouery of Mos-
couie by the North in Queene Maries daies, the Spaniards
hauing intelligence that he was master in that discouerie,
tooke him into their cotractation house at their making and

en las Isles y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, Dec. iii, p. 219 ; iv, p. 30), but
we cannot find any account of his works.

* Qeromino de Chaves, a native of Seville. His works are— 1, Tratado
de la Esfera, que compuso el doctor Juan de Sacrobusto, con muchas adi-
ciones, traducido con escolios y Jiffuras, Seyille, 1545, ^to. 2, Chronogra-
phia Repertorio de los Tiempos, Seville, 1554, 4to. 3, He was also the
author of two maps : one of America, which was never published ; and
the other of Seville and its territory, which was used by Ortelius, in his
Tkeatrum Orhis Terrarum.

2 The following inscription occurs on a monumental brass, in the
middle aisle of Chatham Church, and is here given from a rubbing, with
which we have been favoured by William Thomas Wright, Esq., of
Gravesend : — " Here lieth buried the bodie of Steuen Borough, who
departed this life ye xijth of July, in ye yere of our Lord 1584, and was
borne at Northam, in Deuonshire, ye xxvth of SeptemV, 1525. He in
his life-time discouered Muscouia, by the Northerne sea passage to St.
Nicholas, in the yere 1653. At his settinge foorth of England, he was
accompanied with two other shippes, Sir Hugh Willobie beinge Admlrall
of the fleete, who, with all the Company of ye said two shippes, were
frosen to death in Lappia ye same winter. After his discouerie of Roosia,
and ye Coastes there to adioyninge — to wit, Lappia, Nova Zemla, and
the Cuntrie of Samoyeda, etc. : hee frequented ye trade to St. Nicholas
yearlie, as chiefe pilot for ye voyage, until! he was chosen for one of ye
fowre principall Masters in ordinarie of ye Queen's Ma^'^s royall Navy,
where in he continued beinge imploycd as occasion required, in charge
of sundrie sea seruises, till time of his death." This inscription is
printed in the Hegistrtim Rofense, p. 731.

THE KPISTI.E

A lecture of
the art (if
nauiffntio'
neccNsarie
for to be
erected in
London.

The bounti.
ftill offer of
Sir Fra'cis
Drake to-
ward fur-
thering the
art of Naui-
gallon.

admitting of masters and pilots, giuing him great honour,
and presented him with a payre of perfumed gloues, woorth
fine or six Ducates. I speake all this to this ende, that the
like order of erecting such a Lecture here in London, or
about Ratcliffe, in some conuenient place, were a matter of
great consequence and importance for the sauing of many
mens lines and goods, which nowe, through grosse ignorance,
are dayly in great hazerd, to the no small detriment of the
whole realme.^ For whiche cause I haue dealt with the right
worshipfuU sir Frances Drake, that seeing God hath blessed
him so wonderfully, he woulde do this honour to him selfe
and benefite to his countrey, to bee at the cost to erect such
a lecture : Whereunto, in most bountifull maner, at the verie
first, he answered, that he liked so well of the motion, that
he would giue twentie poundes by the yeere standing, and
twentie poundes more before hand to a learned man, to fur-
nish him with instruments and maps, that woulde take this
thing vpon him : yea, so readic he was, that he earnestly re-
quested mee to helpe him to the notice of a fitte man for that
purpose, which I, for the zeale I bare to this good actio', did
presently, and brought him one, who came vnto him and con-
ferred with him thereupon : but in fine he would not vnder-
take the lecture vnless he might haue fourtie pounde a yeere

' In the course of nearly three hundred years, but little improvement,
if any, appears to have bcon effected in this respect. In the year 1848,
certain papers relating to the commercial marine of Great Britain were
presented to both Houses of Parliament : they consist of answers addressed
to Mr. Murray, of the Foreign Office, in reply to queries submitted to
several of the British Consuls abroad — having a particular reference to
the character and conduct of British shipmasters and seamen. Two sen-
tences from these documents will suffice tp show how closely the present
state of things resembles that against which Hakluyt so strongly pro-
tests : — " There is no system of regular education for the merchant ser-
vice of Great Britain ; but in foreign countries this is much attended
to" (page 1). Again : — " Is it justifiable, that the lives of thousands of
persons should be jeoparded, because shipowners have a right to place
incompetent persons in charge of vessels?" (page 142).

DRDTfATOItTE.

Htaiuling, and su the matter ceased for tliat time : howebeit,
tlie woi'thiu and goud Knight remaineth still constant^ and
will be, aM ho told nie very lately, as good as his worde.
Nowe, if (Jod aliouldc put into the head of any noble man
to contril)iito other twentio pounde to make this lecture a
competent liuing for a learned man, the whole realme no
doubt might rcapo no small benefite thereby. To leave this
matter and to drawo to an ende I haue heare, right worship-
full, in thJH haNtie worke first put downe the title which we
hnue to that part of America which is from Florida to 67 de-
grees northwardo by the letters patentes graunted to lohn ^"J};,',,^ „,„,
Gaboto and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, '"mni's?'
with Sebastians owno Certificate to Baptista Ramusius of his
discoucrio of America, and the testimonie of Fabian, our
own Clironielor. Next, I have caused to bee added the letters
of Mr. llobort Thorne to King Henrie the eight, and his dis-
course to his Anibassadour, doctor Ley, in Spaine, of the like
argument, with the Kings setting out of two ships for dis-
coucrio in tho ID ycre of his raigne. The' I have translated
the voyage of lohn Verarzanus from thirtie degrees to Cape
Briton (and the last yeere, at my charges and other of my
friendes, by my exhortation, I caused laqucs Cartiers two
voyages of diseoucring the grand Bay, and Canada, Sagui-
nay, and Ilouhelaga, to bee translated out of my Volumes,
which aro to bo annexed to this present translation) . Morc-
ouer, following the order of the map, and not the course of
time, I have \)\\i downe the discourse of Nicholaus and An-
tonius Zenio. The last treatise of lohn Ribault is a thing
that hath been alreadie printed, but not nowe to be had,
vnlesse I had caused it to be printed againe.* The mappe is

1 Tho title of tho first edition of this treatise is " The whole aiul triio
discouorye of Terra Florida, (onglishcd the Florishing lande) Contcyning
aswell the wunderfuU Htraungo natures and maners of the people, with
tho raoruoyloHH commodities and treasures of the country : As also the
plusaunt PortOM, HauotiH and wayes therevnto. Neuer foiinde out before
the last yero 15(12. Written in Frenche by Captaine Ribauld, the fyrst

i^i^^iii^

THE EPISTLE DEDICATOUTE.

master Michael Lockes, a man, for his knowledge in diuers
languages, and especially in Cosmographie, able to doe his
countrey good, and worthie, in my iudgment, for the mani-
folde good partes in him, of good reputation and better for-
tune. This cursorie pamphlet I am ouer bold to present
vnto your worshippe : but I had rather want a litle discretion
then to bee founde vnthankful to him which hath been alwaies
80 readie to pleasure me and all my name.

Heere I cease, crauing pardon for my ouer boldnesse,

trusting also that your worshippe will continue

and increase your accustomed fauour to-

warde these godly and honourable

discoueries.

Your worshippe's humble alwayes

to commaunde.

R. H.

that whoUye discouered the same. And nowe newly set forthe in Eng-
lishe the xxx of May. 1563. Prynted at London by Rouland Hall for
Thomas Hacket." A copy is in the general library of the British
Museum, but the vrork is of great rarity.

A LATINE COPIE OF THE LETTERS PATENTES
OF KING HENRIE THE SEVENTH, GRAUNTED

vnto lohn Gabote and his three Sonnes, Lewes,

Sebastian, and Santius, for the discouering of

newe and vnknowen Landes.

Henricus dei gratia rex Angliee et Francia et dominus hiber-
nia, omnibus ad guos preesentes literee nostra peruenerint, salu-
tem. Notum sit et manifest um: quod dedimus et concessimus, ac
per preesentes damns et concedimus pro nobis et hceredibus nos-
tris dilectis nobis loanni Gaboto ciui Veneciarum, Lodouico,
Sebastiano et Santio, filiis dicti loannis, et eorum et cuiuslibet
eorum hteredibns et deputatis, plenam ac liberam authoritate
facultatem et potestatem nauigandi ad omnes partes, regiones
et shvus maris orientalis, occidentalis, et septentrionalis, sub
banneris, vexillis et insigniis nostris, cum quinque nauibus sine
nauigijs cuiuscunque portiturce et qualitatis existant et cum tot
et tantis nautis et hominibus quot et quantos in dictis nauibus
secum ducere voluerint, suis et eorum propriis sumptibus et ex-
pensis ad inueniendum, discoperiendum et inuestigandum quas-
cunque insulas, patrias, regiones sine prouincias gentilium et
infidelium quorumcunque in quacunque parte mundi positas, quce
Christianis omnibus ante heec tempora fuerint incognitce. Con^
cessimus etiam eisdem et eorum cuilibet eorumque et cuiuslibet
eorum heeredibus et deputatis ac licentiam dedimus ad affigen-
dum pradictas banneras nostras et insignia in quacunque villa,
oppido, castro, insula seu terra firma a se nouiter inuentis.
Et quod preenominatus loannes et filii eiusdem seu hceredes
et eorundem deputati quascunq ; huimmodi villas, castra, oppida
et insulas a se inuentas qtue subiugari, occupari, possideri pos-
sint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valedt tanqud vasalli nostri
et gubernatores, locatenentes et deputati, eorundem dominium,

LE'lTERS PATENTE8.

titulum et iurisdictionem earundem villaruin, castroruin, oppi-
dorum, insulanim, ac terrre Jirmai hic inventorum nobis acqui-
rendo. Ita tamen vt ex omnibus fructibus, projicuis, emolu-
mentis, commodis, lucris, et obuentionibus ex hidusmodi naui-
gatione prouenientibus, preefatns Joannes et filii ac hceredes, et
eoruni deputati tenedtur et sint ohfigati nobis pro omni viagio
mio, toties quoties ad porta nostra BristoUia applicnerint fad
quern omnino applicare tenedtur et sint astrictij deductis omni-
bus stiptibus et impensis necessariis per eosdem fact is, quintam
partem capitalis hicri facti, siue in mercibus siue in pecuniis
persoluere. Dantes nos et concedctes eisdc suisq: hteredibus et
deputatis, vt ab omni solutione custumarum omnia et »ingu-
torum bonorum ac mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis
locis sic nouiter inuentis, liberi sint et immunes. Et insuper
dedimus et concessimus eisdem ac suis fueredibm et deputatis,
quod terras omnes jirmee, insulte, vilfee, oppida, castra et loca
quacunq ; a se inuenta, quot-quot ab eis inueniri contigerit, non
possint ab aliis quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visi-
tari, absq: licentia pnedictorum loannis et eius filiorum suo-
rumq; deputatorum, sub poena amissionis td nauium, quam
bonorum omniu quorumcunq; ad ea loca sic inuenta nauigare
proisuentiu. Volentes et strictissime mandantes omnibus et sin-
gulis nostris subditis tam in terra quam in mart constitutis, vt
prafato loanni et eius filiis, ac deputatis, bond assistentiam
faciant et tam in armandis nauibus seu nauigiis, quam in pro-
uisione quietatus et victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atq :
aliarum omnium rerum sibi prouidendarum pro dicta nauiga-
tione sumenda, suos omnes fauores et auxilia impertiant. In
.. ..... cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fian fecimus patentes :

Martii 14U5. o ,/ mt

teste me ipso apud Westmonasteriu qwinto die Martii, anno
regni nostri vndecimo.

•\.

THE S.VMK LK'ITERS PATENTS IN KNCIMSIF.

IIknrie, by the grace of God, king of Eugland and France,
and Lorde of Irclande, to all, to whom these presentes shall
come, greeting. Be it knowen, that we haue giuen and
granted, and by these presentcs doe giue and grant for vis
and our heyres, to our well beloned John Gabote, citizen of
Venice, to Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the saide
John, and to the heires of them and eiicry of them, and their
deputies, full and free authoritie, leaue, and power, to sayle
to all partes, countreys, and seas, of the East, of the West, and
of the North, under our banners and ensignes, with fine ships J',iuvl,n„
of what burden or quantitie soeuer they be : and as many hi»'",„?nrs'"
mariners or men as they will haue with them in the saide io".iiH".mn'
ships, upon their owne proper costes and charges, to seeke iiui'i" vmiur
out, discouer, and finde, whatsoeuer iles, countreyes, regions i">niHr.
or prouinces, of the heathen and infidelles, whatsoeuer they
bee, and in what part of the worlde soeuer they be, whiche
before this time haue been vnknowen to all Christians. We
liaue granted to them also, and to euery of them, the heires
of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, and haue
giuen them licence to set up our banners and ensignes in
euery village, towne, castel, yle, or maine lande, of them
newely founde. And that the foresaid John and his sonnes, _, , ,

* ' To siwiilue

or their heires and assignes, may subdue, occupie, and pos- ""sso^'those
sesse, all such townes, cities, castles, and yles, of them founde, lu^'kriisT

V tLS S 111 Ic H

which they can subdue, occupie, and possesse, as our vas-
sailes and lieutenantes, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and
iurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, and firme
lande so founde. Yet, so that the foresaide John and his
sonnes and heires, and their Deputies, bee holden and bounden
of all the fruites, profites, gaines, and commodities, growing
of such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they
shall arriue at our port of BristoU (at the which port they
shall be bounde and holden only to arriue), all manner of

I. KIT Kit 8 P^TKNTKS.

(

Tin- lift of
III! ^oiiiIh tu

III' (Mlill tu

till' kiiiK.

J'pi'i'ilome
Iroin nil
I'lmtdtnes.

Ncini' but
llii'v mill
lljcir iih:<Ik'
iii'H limy
Iraiiitlle
lliithiT,

The A of
March 10!I4

neccssaric costcs and charges by them made being deducted,
to pay viito u» in wares or money tlic fifth part of tlie Capi-
tal! gaine ho gotten. Wee giuing and graunting vnto them
and to their hcires and Deputies, that they shall bee free from
all paying of customes of all and singuler such merchandize
as they shall bring with them from those places so newely
founde.

And, morcoucr, wee hauo giuen and graunted to them,
their heires and Deputies, that all the firmc landes, lies, YiU
lages, Townes, Castles, and places, wliatsoeuer they be, that
they shall chauucc to fiude, may not of any other of our sub-
icctes bee frequented or visited without the licence of the
foresivyd John, his sonncs, and their deputies, under paine of
forfayture as well of their shippes as of all and singuler
goods of all them that shall presume to sayle to those places
so founde. Willing and most straightly commaunding all
and singuler our subiectes, as well on landc as on sea, ap-
pointed officers, to giue good assistace to the aforesaid John
and his sonnes and deputies, and that as well in arming and
furnishing their ships or vessels, as in prouision of quiet-
nesse, and in buying of victualles for their money, and all
other thinges by them to be prouided, necessarie for the
saide nauigation, they doe giue them all their helpe and
fauour. In witnesse whereof, wee have caused to bee made
these our letters patentes. Witnesse our selfc at Westmin-
ster, the fifte day of March, in the xi yeere of our reigne.

■ i

In the l.'l
Vi'ri'cir king
ili'iirii' III!'
VII. 1 IDS.

Note,

A NOTE OP SEBASTIAN OABOTES VOYAGE OF

DiHcoucric, taken out of ivn old Chronicle, written by

Robert Fabian, sometime Alderman of London,

wiiich is in the custotlio of John Stowe, Cili/on,
a diligent acarchcr and preaorucr of AntiquitiuH.

This ycerc the King (by meanes of a Venetian, wliiche made
himsclfc very expert and cunning in knoweledge of the cir-
cuitc of the worlde and Ilandcs of the same aa by a Carde
and other demonstrations reasonable hee shewed), caused to
man and victuall a shippc at Bristowe, to search for an Ilande,
M'hiehe hee saide hee knewe well was riche and replenished
with riche commodities. Which Ship, thus manned and vic-
tualed at the kinges cost, diners merchants of London ven-
tured in her small stockes, being in her as chiefe Patrone the
saide Venetian. And in the companie of the saide shippe
sayled also out of Bristowe three or foure small ships fraught
with sleight and grosse merchandizes, as course cloth. Caps,
Laces, points, and other trifles, and so departed from Bris-
towe in the beginning of May : of whom in this Maiors time
returned no tidings.

Of throe sauage men which hee brought home and presented vnto the
king in the xvii yeere of his raigne.

This yeere also were brought vnto the king three men, Three sa-
taken in the new founde Hand,' that before I spake of in brouKhtimo

Englnnd.

William Purchas time, being Maior. « These were clothed in
beastes skinnes, and ate rawe fleshe, and spake such speech Kawo fltsh,
that no man coulde understand them, and in their demea- skTs.*""
nour like to bruite beastes, whom th( king kept a time after.

* Hand*. — Stowe, Annuls, p. 485. Edit. 1616.

Briiit')»'.

William
I>iin'hn.i,
Maiur <>l'
Londuii.

Sebastian
Gabots
letters to
linmusiuH.

SKBASTIAN GABOTKS VOYAOK.

Of the whicli vpon two yeeres past after I saw two apparelled
after the maner of Englishmen, in Westminster pallace, v/hich
at that time I coulde not d^'seerne from Englishemen, till I
was learned what they wcie. But as for speech, I heard
none of them vtter one worde.

John Baptista Ramusius, in his preface to the thirde volui-iC of the
nauigations,^ writeth thus of Sebastian Gabot : —

In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations
of John de Verarzana, a Florentine, and of a great Captaine'*
a Frenchman, and the two voyages of Jaques Cartier, a Briton,'
who sailed vnto the lande set in fiftie degrees of latitude to
the north, which is called New France : and the which laudes
hitherto it is not throughly knowne whether they doe ioyne
with the firme lande of Florida and Nona Hispania, or
whether they be separated and diuided all by the Sea as
Hands : and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea
vnto the countrie of Cathaio :* as many yeeres past it was
written vnto me by Sebastian Gaboto, our countrie man Vene-
tian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the art of

1 Page 6. Edit. 1565.

2 The title of this piece is as follows : — "Discorso d'un gran capitano
di mare Franccse del luoco di Dicppa sopra le navigationi fatte alia
terra nuova dell' Indie occidentali, chiamata la nuova Francia, da gradi
40 fino a gradi 47 sotto il polo artico, e sopra la terra del Brasil, Guinea,
Isola di San Lorenzo e quella di Summatra, fino alle qiiali hanno navigato
le caravelle e navi Francesi." Who the great captain may have been
does not appear.

8 i, e., from Brittany.

* Cathaia, or Cathay, has been mentioned by writers as a great
kingdom, as early as the thirteenth century : it is not easy, however, to
ascertain what district was comprised under this appellation. The locality
was the north of China ; but the notions of the early cosmographcrs
appear to have been far from definite upon the subject. — See a learned
dissertation, by Andreas Miiller, entitled Disqaisitio (leographlca et Ilis-
torica de Chataja, in which he discusses " Quasnam Chataja sit, et an sit
idem ille terrarum tractus quem Sinas et vulgo Chinam vocant, aut pars
ejus aliqua?" Berolini, 1671, 4to.

SEBASTIAN GAB0TE9 VOYAGE.

Nauigation and the knowledge of Cosmographie: who sayled
along and beyonde this lande of Newc Fraunce, at the charges
of King Henrie the seuenth, king of Englande. And hee
tolde mee, that hauing sayled a long time West and by North
beyonde these Ilandes vnto the latitude of 67 degrees and an
halfe under the North Pole, and at the 11 day of June, find-
ing still the open Sea without any manner of impediment,
hee thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the
way to Cathaio, which is in the East, and woulde haue done
it, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and marriners had not
rebelled, and made him to returne homewardes from that
place.* But it seemeth that God doth yet still reserue this
great enterprise for some great Prince to discouer this voyage
of Cathaio by this way; which for the bringing of the spiceries
from India into Europe were the most easie and shortest of
all other wayes hetherto founde out. And, surely, this en-
terprise woulde bee the most glorious, and of most impor-
tance of all other, that can be imagined, to make his name
great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more
then can be done by any of all these great troubles and

He calleth

lliem

Hands.

Sehastioii
(iabot might
Iiniip sailed
to Cathaio.

This voyape
to Cathay
reserued by
God I'lir
some great
Prince.

Tliis way
thi' slioilest
ofnll others.

This disco-
uery were a
most glori-
ous cnte-
prise.

been

1 There is much contradictory evidence, and of an early date, as to the
degree of north latitude actually reached l)y S. Cabot ; and the natural
consequence has been great discrepancy in the statements of later writers,
according as they have followed one or other of the earlier authorities.
The doubt is, whether he stopped short at 56 degrees, or had penetrated
as high as 67, when compelled to turn back by the mutinous fears of his
crew. There ia a strong presumption in favour of his having actua'ly
discovered Hudson's Straits, and gained the ()7th degree through Fox's
Channel. — See Kamusio, Navigationi, vol. i, fol. 402. Edit. 15')0. Id.
vol. iii, fol. 417. Edit. 1565 ; the various statements in Hakluyt's
PrincipaU Navigatioiis, vol. iii, p. 6-0, 25, 26. Edit. HiOO; vol. iv, p. 417.
Edit. 1811 ; Gomara, Historin general de Ian Indian, fol. .31. Edit. 1554 ;
and also the Memoir of S. Cabot, by Biddle, where the subject will be
found discussed at considerable length. It is to be regretted that this
gentleman has not been as careful in tlic aiTangenicnt of tlio vuiy valuable
materials he has brought together, as ho luis been diligent in the collec-
tion of them : we can rarely be certain that we have got all the informa-
tion containetl in his book upon any given subject.

III

! S

Williiun
Woi'thiiiK-
toii, Pen.
sitiucr.

SEBASTIAN OABOTES VOYAOK.

warres, wliich dayly are vsed in Europe among the miserable
Christian people.

This much concerning Sebastion Gabotes discouerie may
suffice for a present cast : but shortly, God willing, shall
come out in print, all his owne mappes and discourses, drawne
and written by himselfe,' which are in the custodie of the
worshipfuU master Willia Worthington,' one of her Maiesties
Pensioners, who (because so worthie monumentes shoulde not
be bi'ried in perpetuall obliuion) is very willing to suffer
them to be ouerseene and published in as good order as may
bee, to the encouragement and benefite of our Countriemen.

1 Cabot's Maps and Discourses wore never printed. See also Memoir
of S. Cabot, page 221, where Mr. Biddle suggests that Worthiiigton may
have been a creature of Philip II of Spain, and have been employed by
him for the purpose of gaining possession of all Cabot's charts and
papers.

2 William Worthington. One of the "ordinary gentlemen and pen-
sioners" of King Edward VI, and " bailiff and collector of the rents and
revenues of all the manors, messuages, and hereditaments, within the
city of London and county of Middlesex, which did belong to colleges,
guilds, fraternities, or free chapels." — Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials,
\o\. ii, part ii, page 234. Oxford, 1822.

*l:

A DECLARATION OF THE INDIES AND LANDES
discouered and subdued vnto the Emperour and the king

of Portugale ; and also of other partes of the Indies and

rich countries to be discouered, which the worshipfuU

Master Eobert Thome, merchant of London (who

dwelt long in the city of Uiuil, in Spaine), exhorted

King Henrie the eight to take in hande.

MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE,

ExPEKiENCE proueth that naturally all Princes bee desirous to
extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdomes. Wher-
fore it is not to bee maruelled to sec them euery day procure
y lame, not regarding any cost, pcrill, and labour, that may
*ii ;h7 chaunce; but rather it is to bee maruciled if there
IV prince content to Hue quiet with his owne dominions.
For surely the people would thinke he lacketh the noble
courage and spirit of all other. The worlde knoweth that
the desires of Princes hauc beene so feruent to obtainc their
purpose, that they haue aduentured and proued things to
mans coniecture impossible, the which they haue made pos-
sible, and also things difficult haue made facil ; and thus to
obtainc their purpose, haue in maner turned vp and downe
the whole worlde so many times, that the people inhabiting
in the farthest regio of the Occident, haue pursued with great
desires, labours, and perils, to penetrate and enter into the
farthest regions of the Orient: And in likewise those people of
the said partes of the Orient haue had no lesse labour and desire
to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident,
and so following their purchase [purpose ?] haue not seased
vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great Seas.
This natui'all inclination is cause that scarsely it may bcc

DKCLAUATION OP

saide there is any kingdome stable, nor king quiet, but that
his owne imagination, or other Princes his neighbours, doe
trouble him. God and nature hath prouided to your Grace,
and to your Gracious progenitors, this Realme of Englande,
and set it in so fruitefuU a place, and within suche limites,
that it shoulde seeme to bee a place quiet and aparted from
all the foresaide desires. One speciall cause is, for that it is
compassed with the Sea : by reason thereof it seemes, this
notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages haue been
most commonly like vnto others : and with marueilous great
labours, costes, and perilles,they haue trauelled and passed the
Seas, making warre not onely with kings and dominions nigh
neighbours, but also with them of farre countries, and so
hath wonne and conquered many riche and faire Dominions,
and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victorie
and glory. And also nowe of late, your Grace hauing like
courage and desire, and not without iust cause to enlarge
this your kingdome, and demaund your limites and tribute
of the French king, which at that present hee restrained,
your Grace in person passed with a great power into France,'
putting your Grace's person to great paine and labour, and
without doubt victoriously you had conquered the saide
Realme of Fraunce as yee began, if your aduersarie hfcd not
reconciled him, and knowledged your Graces right and title :
and so promised truely to pay the tribute then due, and ful-
fill your request in all thinges, and also desired your Grace
for peace, the which of your clemencie you could not refuse.
Nowe I, considering this your noble courage and desire, and
also perceiuing that your Grace may at your pleasure, to your
greater glory, by a godly meane, with litle cost, perill, or la-
bour to your Grace or any of your Subiectes, amplifie and
inriche this your saide Realme, I knowe it is my bounde dutie
to manifest this secrete vnto your Grace, which hitherto, as I

1 Henry VIII passed over into France in the month of June, 1513.

THE INDIES.

suppose, hath beene hid : which is, that with a small number nuc.
of shippes there may bee discouered diuers newe landes and
kingdomes, in the whiche, without doubt, your Grace shall
winne perpetuall glory and your Subiects infinite profite.
To which places there is left one way to disccuer, which is
into the North : For that of the foure parts of the worlde it
seemeth three partes are discouered by other Princes. For
out of Spaine they haue discouered all the Indies and Seas
Occidentall, and out of Portugale all the Indies and Seas Ori-
ental : So that by this part of the Orient and Occident they
haue compassed the worlde. For the one of them departing
towarde the Orient, and the other towarde the Occident, met
againe in the course or M'ay of the middest of the day, and
so then was discouered a great part of the same Seas and
coastes by the Spaniardes. So that nowe rest to bee dis-
couered the said North partes, the which it seemeth to mee
is onely your charge and dutie. Because the situation of this
your Realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and
also for that you haue alreadie taken it in hande : And, in Note.
mine opinion, it will not seeme well to leaue so great and
profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily, and with so
little coste, labour, and daunger, bee followed and obteined :
Though; heretofore, your Grace hath made theereof a proofe,
and founde not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at
this time it shall bee no impediment. For there may bee
nowe prouided remedies for thinges then lacked, and the in-
conueniences and lettes remooued that then were cause your
Grace's desire tooke no full effect, which is, the courses to be
chaunged, and followe the aforesaid new courses.' And con-

1 lu Ildkluyt's Collections, vol. i, page 615, we find an account of " The
voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and S. Cabota to Brasil, St. Domingo, and St.
John de Porto Ricco, -.n. 1616." This is the only voyage of the kind in
Henry VIII's reign, prior to the time when Thome wrote this Declaration ;
and is, no doubt, the " proofe" referred to in the text. Hakluyt declares
that the expedition failed through the cowardice of Sir Thomas Pert ;
but we are not informed whether the object were the discovery of new

iii

ill

DECLAttATlON OF

cerning the marriners, shippes^ and prouiaion^ an order may
be deuised and taken, meete and conuenient, much better
then hetherto. By reason whereof, and by God's grace, no
doubt your purpose shall take eflfect. Surely the coste
heerein will bee nothing in comparison to the great profite.
The labour is much lesse, yea nothing at all, where so great
honour and glory is hoped for : and, considering well the
courses, truly the dager and way is shorter to vs the to
spaine or Fortugall, as by euident reasons appeareth. And
Note. nowe to declare some thing of the commoditie and vtilitie of
this Nauigation and discouering : it is very cleere and certaine
that the Seas that commonly men say that without great
danger, difficultie, and perill, yea, rather, it is impossible to
passe, those same Seas bee nauigable, and without any such
daunger but that shippes may passe, and have in them per-
petuall cleerenesse of the day without any darknesse of the
night : which thing is a great commoditie for the nauigants
to see at all times rounde about them, as well the safegardes
as daungers; and howe great difference it is betweene the
commoditie and perilles of other, which lease the most
parte of euery foure and twentie houres the saide light and
goe in darknesse, groping their way, I thincke there is none
so ignorant but perceiueth this more plainely then it can bee
expressed : yea, what a vantage shall your Graces Subiects
haue also by this light to discouer the strange landes, coun-
tries, and coastes, for if they that bee discouered to sayle by
them in darkenesse is with great danger, muche more then
the coastes not discouered be dangerous to trauell by night
or in darknesse. Yet these dangers or darkenesse hath not
letted the Spaniardes and Portingals and other to discouer
many unknowen realmes to their great perill, which con-
regions, or a predatory excursion against the Spanish possessions. The
"new courses" recommended by Thome, evidently refer to the expediency
of attempting a northern passage in preference to the more beaten track
towards New Spain.

THE INDIES.

aidcred (tuid that your Grace's Subiectes may haue the said
lighte) it will Roome your Grace's subiects to bee without ac-
tiuitie or courage in leauing to do this glorious and noble
enterpriiio. For they, being past this little way which they
named so dangerous, wliich may bee ii or iii leagues before
they come to y" Pole, and as much more after they passe the
Pole, it ii clecro that from thence foorth the Seas and landes
are m toniporat as in these partes, and that then it may be at
the will and pleasure of the marriners to choose whether they
will sailo by y" coastes that bee colde, temperate, or hot.
For thoy being past the Pole, it is plaine they maye decline
to what parte they list. If they will goe towarde the Orient,
they shall inioy the regions of all the Tartarians that extende
towardo the midday, and from thence they may goe and pro-
cecde to the lando of y* Chinas, and from thence to the
land of Cathaio oriental, which is of rll the mayne lande
most oricntall that can bee reckoned xrom our habitation.
And if from thence they doe continue their nauigation, fol-
lowing the coastc that returns towarde the Occident, they
shall fall in Melassa,' and so in all the Indees which we call
oriental j and, following that way, may return hither by the
Cape of Bona Speransa :' and thus they shall compasse the
whole worldo. And if they will take their course after they
be past the pole towarde the Occident, they shall goe in the
backe side of the new found lande, which of late was dis-
couored by your Grace's subiectes, vntill they come to the back-
side and South seas of the Indees occidentalls. And so con-
tinuing thoir viage, they may returne thorowc the Straite of
Magallunas to this countrey, and so they compasse also the
worlde by that way, and if they goe this thirde way, and
after thoy bee past the pole, goe right towarde the pole Ant-
artike, and then decline toward the lands and Hands situated
betweenc the Tropikes and vnder the Equinoctial, without

1 Melatin— moflt probably the Malay peninsula.
8 Oiipo of Good Hope.

DECLAllATION OF THE INDIES.

doubt they shal find there y*" richest lads and Hands of the
worlde of Golde, precious stones, balmes, spices, and other
thinges that wee here esteeme most: which come out of
Strang countreys, and may returne the same way. ■ i ■.-
By this, it appeareth your Grace have not onely a greate
aduantage of the riches, but also your subiectes shal not
trauell halfe of the way that other doe, which goe rounde
about as nforcsaide.

4tt4. Ci

'rati

f^3

I V ,

111
it

.sNN'

.N-^^

N>^^*^'

^^'^

^^^*^"

j'''^;;: *;

I. ♦•

S5i??K?J^5S?

v»j v*.

/^FadBSiSo. dcmercationuPortugiilcariu Atcrrisifto oppofitisincipiiint,acterminitiu wgtA(iiisi6o
^^buimcanxveifU5orieiitfin,fccuchim computationemHifp&noxum. Etfic infulxTharfuacOftirditifli
tiixvidejlturrjctrA.illorumdcinercationein cxdere.Portugaien/esvrrdfuam eleuafionrm Atcrris illo/igno »l«
oppo/ituincijMK »iuat,& tenninuemgraJus 180. huiu5cArt^,vtvjelrAntur pr^di£lis infuUsvtcuqt jttin- -^
gere,8cgMdus 180. dcmercAtioniiHi/jpAnorum Apnorcfigno ^ (ecundum HiIpAnorum coputMioncm- Vcl
tacipiuntapofterioreiecundum PortugAlenresvcHusocctdcnlem^^ tenninanturin gudiu I ^o. Xecunduni
Hifpanes,vcl iBoJecundum Portu^rnfcs-EtriCjiicetfnfuIxTliarfis 6c Ophirvidenturaitingeir Portugalm.
icMAmrnmAilsCapoveTdedfAx,qilKiiiirAfuprAdidafign% A cidunt,vid^rttroinittere.£tficdumia-
faUs Capovcfde letinere voKint Portugalmfes, iJlasTnarfuA. ^ OAr nonpeiTuntatiingert.

■^»Wv

""«">HW,„„^

nX*

-o -"""'^^ %.Kipxu Tot

A\^^^4t/ikl A

^^"***>^^'<^^Vl^^^^^^^^■^^,^

vvvw^vwi^vv/

^^-^

^^; TO

>rs o -r^

x> «

Iiiiltiic ingrA(Jiiri5o.
^affiJicOfiirditi/fu
Items illofigfio kli

|ulASvtcuq)4ttin
IcoputAtionem- Vd
uiu 1 ^o. Xecunduffl
[ingeir Portugalcn.
littere.Etfic dum in.
Itingert.

•HisisthcforracolaMappefcnt iliZ7. fromSiuill inSpaync by miifterKobert Thome
ixiArchaiinMoDodlor LeyEmtaflfadourforkingHenrythcS.to Chirluthe Emperour..
AndahhougK theUmeih this prefenttitncm Ay fecnie rude, yet Ihauc/eiit out , be-
C4u(ehis bookecouldc not well be vnderftood without tbeCume. The imperfeilion of
ivhichMappemaybcexcuirdby that tymeithcktiowJcdgeof Cofmogntphienotthenbe-
yng entrej Among our MarebaunteS', a&neweitis.

; I

-._ ■•^..i^.tx '',>«*fH^-"'r./i->- ' -'..v -**-. ^^;

■j *|Mi - ft- r i • 1- r , jT jtfc 11 ■ ir n — m m

ifc I ■irii— ■B-«fr*^

THE BOOKE MADE BY THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL

Master Robert Thome, in the ycere 1527, in Siuill, to

Doclour Ijpy,' Lorde Amlmssatlour for King Ilenri'i the

eight, to Charles the Emperour, bein^ •.•\ iiiformatiop,

of the parts of the worhl discouerf ;] by hiia an'i

the King of Portingale : And also of thr \%.iy

to tho Moluccacs by the north.

Right Noble and ReuerendIj in, etc. -- 1 vc^'ciued youi*
letters, and haue procured and sent to kuowr of your >(;runnt
who your Lordcship wrote shoulde bee E-.j.kij m Merfheiui.''
I can not there or els where heare of hini, ■»v''>ut lie be re-
turned to you or gone to S. Lucar and shipt. 1 cpji not ^uc^ge
but that of some contagions sicknes he died, so tlii\t tho o\vm;r
of the house for defaming his house woulde bury him secretly
and not be known of it. For such things haue ofte times
happened in this countrey.

Also, to write to your Lordshippe of the ne k e trade of
spicerie of the Emperour, there is no doubt but that the
Ilandes^ are fertile of clouos, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon:
And that the saide Ilandes, with other there about, abounde
in gold. Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses,'' Graviates,* iacincts, itd
other stones and pearles, as al other lads that ar?. vnder and
nere y* equinoctial. For we see where nature gi Kith any
thing she is no nigarde. For ns with vs and other, that are

1 Dr. Edward Lee, chaplain and almoner to Kiu^ Honry YIII, and
afterwards archbishop of York. — Woo >, Athence Oxon, vol. i, page 138.
Edit. 1813.

' Marchena, near Sovillo.

3 The Philippine Islands, discovered by Magellan for the crown of
Spain, in the year 1621.

< The Balass ruby, of a faint red colour.

<> Qranate, or grenatite ; prismatic garnet, of a shining, transparent,
yellowish red.

i ir

TUIC UOOKE MADK BY

aparted from the sayde equinoctiall, our mettalles be lead,
tynne, and yron, so theirs be golde, siluer, and copper. And as
our fruites and graines be aples, ^luttes, and corne, so theirs bee
dates, nutmegges, pepper, cloues, and other spices. And as
wee haue iette, amber, cristall, iasper, and other hke stones,
so liaue they rubies, diamonds, balasses, saphires, lacincts,
and other like. And though some say that of such precious
mettals, graines, or kind of spices, and precious stones, the
aboundance and quantitie is nothing so great as our mettals,
fruites, or stones, aboue rehearsed : yet, if it be well consi-
dered how the quantitie of the earth vnder the equinoctiall
to both the tropicall lines (in which space is founde the said
golde, spices, and precious stones), to be as much in quan-
titie as almost all the earth from the tropickes to both the
poles : it can not be denied but there is more quantitie of the
said mettels, fruites, spices, and precious stones, then there
is of the other mettels and other thinges before rehearsed.
And I see that the preciousnesse of these thinges is measured
after the distance that is betweene vs, and the things that
we haue appetite vnto. For in this nauigation of the spicerie
was discouered, that these Hands nothing set by golde, but
set more by a knife and a nayle of yron, then by his quan-
titie of Golde : and with reason, as the thing more necessarie
for mans seruice. And I doubt not but to them shoulde
bee as precious our corne and seedcs, if they might haue
them, as to vs their spices : and likewise the peeces of glasse
that heare wee haue counterfayted, are as precious to them as
to vs their stones : which by experience is scene daylie by
them that haue trade thither. This of the riches of those
countries is sufficient.

Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may be
profitable to the Emperour or no, it may be without doubte
of great profit : if, as the King of Portingall doth, he woulde
become a marchant and prouide shippes, and their lading,
and trade thither alone, and defende the trade of these

MASTER llOUEUT TUOUNB.

Hands for himselfe. But other greater busines withholdeth
him from this. But still, as nowe it is beguiine to bee occu-
pied, it would come to much. For the ships comming in
safetie, there would thither many euery yeere, of whiche to
the Emperour is due of all the wares and Juelles that come
from thence the fift part for his custome clcare without any
cost. And besides this, he putteth in euery flote a certayn
quantitie of money, of whiche hee enioyeth of the gaines
pounde and poundes, like as other aducnturers doe. In a
flote of three shippes and a carauell, that went from this
citie, armed by the marchauntes of it, which departed in
Aprill last past, I and my partener haue 1400 Ducates, that Note.
we employed in the sayde fleete, principally for that two
Englishmen, friends of mine, whiche are somewhat learned in
Cosmographie, shoulde goe in the same shippes, to bring mee
certaine relation of the situation of the count rey, and to bee
experte in the Nauigation of those seas, und tliere to haue
informations of many other things and aduise that I desire
to know especially. Seeing in these quarters are shippes
and marriners of that r?ountrey, and cardes by which they
sayle, though much vnlike ours : that they should procure
to haue the said Cards, and learne howe they vndeistande
them, and especially to know what Nauigation they haue for
those Ilandes Northwardes and Northeastwarde.

For if from the sayde Ilandes the Sea do extende without Note.
interposition of lande, to sayle from the North poynt to tlie
Northeast poynt, 1700 or 1800 leagues, they should come to
the Newe founde Ilandes that wee discouered, and so wee
shoulde bee neerer to the sayde spicerie by almost 2000 leagues
then the Emperour or the king of Portingal are. And to
aduise your Lordshippe whether of these spiceries of the
King of Portingal or the Emperours is neerer, and also of
the titles that eyther of them hath, and howe our Newe founde
landes are parted from it (for that by writyng without some
demonstration it were harde to giuc any declaration of it),

, ' » » « J ■>

^ 9 ^ ^ \n A 4 a i«

THE BOOKE MADE BY

To know
the hiti-
tudeb.

I have caused that your Lordeshippe shall receyue herewith
a little Mappe or Carde of the worlde : the whiche I feare mee
shall put your Lordshippe to more labour to understande
then mee to make it, only for that it is made in so little
roome that it cannot be but obscurely set out, y* is desired
to be scene in it, and also for y' I am in this science little
expert : Yet to remedy in part this difficultie, it is necessary
to declare to your Lordshippe my intent, with which I trust
you shal perceiue in this card part of your desire, if, for that
I cannot expresse mine intent with ray declaratio, I doe not
make it more obscure.

First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers haue
deuided the earth by 360 degrees in latitude, and as many in
longitude, vnder the which is comprehended al the round-
nesse of the earth : the latitude beeing deuided into 4 quarters,
ninetie degrees amount to euerie quarter, which they mea-
sure by the altitude of the poles, that is, the North and South
s+arres, beeing from the line equinoctiall, till they come right
vnder the North starre, the saide ninetie degrees : and as
muche from the sayde line equinoctiall to the South starre
bee other ninetie degrees. And asmuche more is also from
eyther of the saide starres agayne to the equinoctiall. Which,
imagined to be rounde, is soone perceiued thus 360 degrees
of latitude to be consumed in the said foure quarters, of
ninetie degrees a quarter, so that this latitude is the measure
of the worlde from North to South, and from South to North.
And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is
counted fro West to East or from East to West, as in the card
is set. The said latitude your Lordship may see marked and
deuided in the end of this carde on the left hande. So that
if you woulde know in what degrees of latitude any region
or coast standeth, take a compasse and set the one foote of
the same in the equinoctiall line right against the said region,
and apply the other foote or compasse to the saide region or
coast, and then set the sayd compasse at the ende of the

. I'leiff

, f • t •►

MASTER UOBEUT THORNE.

carde, where the degrees are deuided. And the one foote of
the copasse standing in the line eqiiinoctiall, the other will
shewe in the scale the degrees of ali'tade or latitude that the
sayd region is in. Also, the longitude of the worlde I have
set out in the nether part of the carde, contayning also 360
degrees : which begin to be couted, after Ptolome and other
Cosmographers, from an head land, called Capo verde} which
is ouer against a little crosse, made in the part occidentall,
where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in
y* same Capo verde. Nowe, to knowe in what longitude to know
any lande is, your Lordshippc must take a ruler, or a com- tude».
passe, and set the one foote of the compasse upon the lande,
or coast, whose longitude you woulde knowe, and extende
the other foote of the compasse to the nexte parte of one of
the transuersaU lines in the Orientall or Occidentall part :
which done, set the one foote of the compasse in the saide
transuersaU lyne at the ende of the nether scale, the scale of
longitude and the other foote sheweth the degree of longi-
tude that the region is in. And your Lordshippe must vnder-
stande, that this carde, though little, conteyneth the vniuersall
whole worlde betwixte the twoo collaterall lines, the one in
the Occidentall parte descendeth pei'pendicular vppon the 175
degree, and the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree, whose
distaunce measureth the scale of longitude. Aud that whiche
is without the two sayde transuersaU lynes is oaely to shew
howe the Oriental part is ioyned with the Occident, and Occi-
dent with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in

1 Tho meridian adopted by Ptolemy is not Cape VerJe, but Ferro, the
most westerly of the Canary Islands, which were well known to the
ancients as the Insulte Fortunataj, although gradually forgotten after the
destruction of Carthage, the great maritime power of antiquity. Some
have fixed the first meridian at the island of St. Nicholas, near Cape
Verde ; some at the island of Corvo, oue of the Azores. Tho Dutch have
chosen the Peak of Teneriffe ; others, the Isle of Palma, one of the Cana-
ries ; and the French have reckoned, within the last hundred years, both
from the Island of Ferro, and from Paris.

TIIK BOOKE MADE BY

the Orient parte is the same that is set within the other line in
the Occidentall parte : and againe, that that is sette without
the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within
the line on the Orientall parte : To shewe that though this
figure of the worlde, in playne or flat, seemeth to haue an
ende, yet one imagining that this sayde carde were set vpon
a round thing, where the endes shoulde touche by the lines,
it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with
the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and
figured. And for more declaration of the said card, your
Lordship shall vnderstand, that beginning on the parte Occi-
dentall within the lyne, the first land that is set out is ye
mayne land, and Hand of the Indies' of ye Emperour. Which
mayne lande or coast goeth Northwarde, and finisheth in the
lande that wee founde, which is called heere Terra de Labra-
dor. So that it appeareth the sayde lande that wee founde,
and the Indies, to bee all one mayne lande. The sayd coast
from the saide Indies oouthwarde, as by the carde your
Lordshippe may see, cometh to a certaine straite sea, called
Now culled Estrcvho de todos Sanctos: by which straite Sea the Spaniardes

Ihe slnit of

jMug.iuiie. go to the spiceries, as I shall declare more at large : the
which straite sea is right against the three hundred fifteene
degrees of Longitude, and is of Latitude or altitude from the
Equinoctiall fiftie-three degrees. The first lande from the
sayd beginning of the carde towardc the Orient, is certaine
Ilandes of the Canaries, and Ilandes of Capo verde. But
the first mayne lande next to the line Equinoctiall, is the
sayde Capo verde, and from thence northwarde by the streite
of this sea of Italic.* And so foUoweth Spayne, Fraunce,
Flaunders, Almaine, Denmarke, and Norway, which is the
highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flaun-
ders are our Hands of England and Irelande. Of the landes
and coastes within the straites, I haue set out onelye the

1 Mexico and the West Indies.

» The Straits of Gibraltar.

MASTKR ROBKUT THORNE.

Regions^ deuiding them by lynes of their lymittes, by whiche
playnelie I thinke your Lordship may see, in what situatio
euery region is, and of what highnesse, and with what regions
it is ioyned. I doe thinke feAV are lefte out of all Europe.
In the partes of Asia and Affrica, 1 could not so well make
the said diuisions : for that they be not so well knowen, nor
neede not so muche. This I write, because in the sayde
earde bee made the sayde lynes, and strikes that your Lord-
shippe should vnderstande wherefore they doe serue. Also,
returning to foresayde Capo verde, the coast goeth South-
warde to a cape, called Capo de bona speransa:' which is right
ouer agaynst the sixtye and sixtie-fifte degree of Longitude.
And by this cape goe the Portingales to their spicerie. For
from this cape towarde the Orient, is the Lande of Calicut, as
your Lordshippe may see in the head lande ouer against the
130 degree. From the said Cape of Botia Speransa the coast
returneth toward the line Equinoctiall, and passing foorth,
entreth the read sea, and returning out, entreth againe into
the gulfe of Persia, and returneth towarde the Equinoctiall
line, till that it commeth to the headland called Callicut^
aforesaide, and from thence the coast, making a Gulfe,' where
is the riuer of Ganges, returneth towarde the line to a head
lande called Malacha, where is the principall spicerie : And
from this cape, returneth and maketh a great Gulfe,* and after,
the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and ouer against
this last gulfe and coast be manie Ilandes,® which be Ilandes
of the spiceries of the Emperour. Upon which the Portingales
and he be at variaunce. The said coast goeth towarde the Note.
Orient and endeth right against the 155 degrees, and after
returneth toward the Occident Northwarde : which coast not
yet plainely knowne, I may ioyne to the new found land
found by vs, that I spake of before. So that I finishe with

1 Capo of Good Hope. ^ jf o .-r called Cape Comorin.

8 The Bay of Bengal. * The Gulf of Siam.

8 The Philippine Islands.

THE BOOKE MADE BY

this, a briefe declaration of the carde aforesavde. Well I
knowe I shoulde also haiie declared how the coastes within
the strtiites of the Sea of Italic runne. It is plaiiie, that
passing the streites on the Northside of that Sea after the
Coast of Granado, and with that which pertaynes to Spayne,
is the coast of that which Fraunce hath in Italie. And then
followeth in one peece all Italie, which lande hath an arme
of a sea, with a gulf, which is called Mare Adriaticum. And
in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice. And on
the other part of the said gulfe is Sclauonia,' and nexte
Grecia, then the streites of Constantinople,* and then the Sea
called Euxinus, which is within the saide streites : and com-
ming out of the said straits, floweth toward Turcia maior.
(Though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the
coast runneth Southward to Syria, and oner against the said
Turcia are the Hades of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And
oner against Italie are the Ilandes of Sicilia and Sardinia.
And ouer against Spaine is Maiorca and minorca. In the
ende of the gulfe of Syria is ludea. And from thence
returneth the coast toward the Occident, till it commeth to
the streites where wee beganne, whiche all is the coast of
Affricke or Barbaric. Also, your Lordshippe shall vnder-
stande, that the coastes of the Sea throughout all the world
I haue coloured with yellow, for that it may appeare that all
that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to
be mayne land, or Hand : and all without the sayde line so
coloured to bee Sea ; whereby it is easie and light to know it.
Albeit, in this little roorae, any other description would
rather hciue made it obscure then cleere. Also, the sayd
coasts of the Sea are all set iustly after the manner and forme

1 Istria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, to which the term Sclavonia was for-
merly applied, as well as to that part of Europe which is known at the
present day as Sclavonia Proper, situate between the Save, the Danube,
and the Illova.

2 The Dardanelles and Sea of Marmora.

MASTKll ROBERT THOHNE.

a» thoy ly(», as the nauigntion approoueth the throughout all
tlio earth), iaue onely the coastcs and lies of the spicerie of
y" Eraperour, which is from ouer against the 160 to the 215
dogrecH of Longitude. For these coastes and situations of
the IlandM, ouery of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portin-
gall and Spayne doe set after their purpose. The Spaniards,
more towards the Orient, because they should appear to apper-
taino to the Emperour: and the Portingalles more toward
the Occident, for that they should fall within their iurisdic-
tion. So that the Pilots and nauigants thither, which in
such cmvM should declare y* truth, by their industrie doe set
the falsely euery one to fauour his prince. And for this
cause can be no certaine situatio of y' coast and Hands til
this difference bctwixte them be verified. Nowe, to come to
the piirpoNC of your Lordshippes demaunde, touching the
difference betwcene the Emperour and the king of Portin-
gall, to vndcrstad it better, I must declare y*" beginning of
this discouering. Though, peraducture, your Lordship may
say, y* in that I haue writte ought of purpose, I fall in the Pro-
uorbe, A (fi-mino ouo bellum : But your Lordship commaunded
me to be large, and I take licence to be prolixouse, and shal
be, peradiienturu. tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that
nihil iymrantia verhosiua. In the yeere 1484,' the king of
Portingal minded to arme certaine caruelles to discouer this
spicery. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discouered,
euerie other prince would send and trade thither, so y' the
cost and peril of discouering should be his, and the profite
common : wherefore, first, he gaue knowledge of this his
mynd to all princes christened, saying, y' he would seeke
amogst y* infidels newe possessios of regions, and therefore

* In this year Congo was discovered by Diego Cam, a Portuguese. —
BarroN, A$i<t, Dec. i, Ibl. 39. This was the first voyage ia which stone
pillars wore unod by the Portuguese to mark their discoveries ; they had
previously used wooden crosses. We do not find in the different histories
of PortuguoHO discovery, any account of the api)lication to the various
sovorolgn* of Kuropo, mentioned in the text.

TJIK BOOKE MADi; HY

if'

would make n certain army : and y' if any of the would help
in y'' cost of y*^ said army, he should enioy his parte of the
profite, or honour, that shouldc come of it. And as then this
discoTiering was liolden for a straunge thing and vncertaine.
Nowe they say, that all the Princes of Christendome aun-
sweared, that they woulde bee no parte of such an army, nor
yet of the profite y' might come of it. After the which, he
gaue knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, and of the answere
of all the Princes, desiring him, y' seeing that none would
helpe in the costes, that hee woulde iudge all that shoulde
be founde aiul discouered to be of his iurisdictiou, and com-
maund that none other Princes should intermeddle there-
with. The pope saide not, as Christ saith, Quia me constituit
iudicem inter vos ? He did not refuse, but making himselfe
as Lorde and Iudge of all, not only grauted that all that
should be discouered from Oriet to Occidet should be the
kings of Portingall, but also, that vpon great censures no
other Prince should discouer but he : And if they did, all to
be the kinges of Portingall.' So he armed a flcete, and in
the yeere 1487 was discouered y® Hands of Calicut," from

1 See Barros, Asia (Dec. I, fol. 14-39. Edit. 1G28), as to the grants to
this effect by various popes (beginning with Martin V, down to Sextus
IV), of all that might be discovered by the Portuguese from Cape
Bojador to the East Indies inclusive. Also, Dec. i, lib. ii, cap. 4 ; and
Navarrete, CoUeccion de Viages, torn, ii, p. 23 et seqq. ; as to the bulls of
Pope Alexander VI, dated 2nd and 3rd May 1493, granting to Spain the
whole of the western hemisphere, to commence at a line drawn from the
north to the south pole, one hundred leagues westward from the Azores
and Cape Verde Islands.

2 What is here termed the discovery of the islands of Calicut, or in
other words, the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope,
was not accomplished until the year 1498. But in 1487, the practica-
bility of the passage was proved by Bartholomeu Diaz, who actually
doubled the cape in that year. — Barros, ylstVr, Dec. i, fol. 43. Edit. 1628.
On the 8th of July 1497, Vasco da Qama set sail from Lisbon for the
purpose of accomplishing the passage to the cast by this route ; and after
exploring the eastern coast of Africa as far as Mclinda, he steered across
the Indian Ocean, and made land in India for the first time at the city
of Calicut, on the 18th of May 1498.— M Dec. i, fol. 63-73.

MASTER ROMEllT THOIINE.

whence is brought all the spice he hath. After this, in the
yeere 1492, the king of Spaine, willing to discoucr landes
towardc the Occident, without making any such diligence, or
taking licence of the king of Portingale, armed certayne
caruelles, and then discouered this India Occidentall, espe-
cially two Ilandes of the saide India, that m this cardo I set
foorth, named, the one Ladominica, and the other Cuba,' and
brought certaine gold from thence. Of the which, when the
king of Portingall had knowledge, he sent to the king of
Spayne, requiring him to give him y" said Hands. For that
by the sentence of the Pope, all that should be discouered
was his, and that he should not proceede fiu'ther in the dis-
couerie without his licence. And at the same time it scemeth,
that out of Castill into Portingale had gone, for feare of
burning, infinite number of lewes that were expelled out of
Spayne, for that they would not turne to be Christians, and
carried with the infinite number of gold and silver. So that
it seemeth that the King of Spayne answered that it was
reaso that the king of Portingall asked, and that to bee
obedient to that which the pope had decreed, he would
giue him the said Hands of the Indies. Now, for as much as
it was decreed betwixt y" said kings, y' none should recciue
y" others subiects, fugitiues, nor their goodes, therefore the
king of Portingale should pay and returne to the king of
Spaine a million of Golde or more, that the lewes had car-
ried out of Spaine to Portingale; and that so doing, he would
giue these Ilandes, and desist from any more discouering.
And not fulfilling this, he would not oncly not giue these
Hands, but procure to discouer more where him thought best.
It seemeth that the king of Portingale would not, or could
not, with his ease pay this mony. And so not paying that, he
coulde not let the King of Spaine to discouer : so that hee

' I

' The islaud of Dominica was discovered by Columbus, on the 3rd of
November 1493 ; and Cuba in the month of October 1492. — i)i'elect Letters
of Columbus, edited by Major for the ilakluyt Society, pp. 2, 21.

TIIK HOOKK MAUI'; HY

cuterpiiscd not toward the Orient where he had begun and
found the spicery. And consented to the king of Spaine,
that touching this discouering, they should deuide the worlde
betwecnc them two. And that all that should be discouered
fro Capo verde, where this carde beginneth to be counted in
the degrees of longitude, to 180 of the sayde scale of longi-
tude, which is halfe the worlde toward the Orient, and
finisheth in this carde right oner against a little crosse made at
the sayde 180 degrees, to be the king of Portingalles. And
all the lande from the sayde Crosse towarde the Occident
vntill it ioyneth with the other Crosse in the Orient, which
conteineth the other hundreth and eightie degrees, that is
the other halfe of the worlde, to bee the king of Spaynes.
So that from the lande ouer agaynst the sayde hundreth
and eightie degrees vntill it finish in the three hundred and
sixtic on both the endes of the carde, is the iurisdiction of
the king of Spayne. So after this manner the" deuided the
worlde betweene them.* Nowe, for that these Hands of
spicerie fall neere the terme and lymites betweene these
Princes (for as by the sayde carde you raaye see they beginne
from one hundred and sixtie degrees of Longitude, and ende
in 215), it seemeth all that falleth from 160 to 380 degrees
shoulde bee of Portingall : and ail the rest of Spayne. And
for that their Cosmographers and Pilots could not agree in
the situation of the said Hands (for the Portingals set them
al within their 180 degrees, and the Spaniards set them all
without : and for that in meaauring, all the Cosmographers
of both partes, or what other that euer hauc beene, canot
giue certaine order to measure y® logitude of the world as

' See ante, p. 42, note 1. An agreement between Spain and Portugal
was concluded on the 7th of June 1494, and is known as the Capitula-
tion of Tordesillas. Its object was to secure to Portugal all that might
be discovered within a line, to be drawn from the north to the south
pole, at the distance of three hundred and seventy leagues from the Cape.
Verde Islands.— Navarrete, CoUeccion de Viagea y Bescubrhnientos, torn,
ii, p. 130 et seqq.

^.JL

amgtggttutmmi^

MASTKIl UOUKRT THOllNE.

they do of y" latitude : for y' there is no starre fixed fro tii« lonRi.
East to West, as are y" starrs of the poles from North to to'boiound'
South, but all mooueth with the mouing diuine) : no mancr
can be found how certainely it may be measured, but by con-
iectures, as the Nauigantes haue esteemed the way they haue
gone. But it is manifest, that Spayne had the situation of
all the landes from Capo verde towarde the Orient of the
Portingales to their 180 degrees. And in all their cardcs
they neuer hitherto set the sayd Hands within their limita-
tio of the sayd 180 degrees (Though they knew very well of
the Ilandes) til nowe that the Spaniards discouered them.
And it is knowne that the king of Portingale had trade to
these Hands afore, but would neuer suffer Portingale to goe
thither from Calicut : for so much as hee knewe that it fell
out of his dominion : least by going thither there might
come some knowledge of those other Ilandes of the King of
Spayne, but bought the clones of Merchauntes of that
countrie, that brought them to Calicut, much deerer then
they would haue cost if he had set for the, thinking after
this maner it would abide alwaies secrete. And now that it
is discouered he sendes and keepes the Spanierds from the
trade all that he can. Also, it should seeme, that when this
foresaide consent of the diuision of the worlde was agreed
of betweene them, the king of Portingale had alreadye dis-
couered certayne Ilandes that lye oner against Capo verde^
and also certayne parte of the mayne lande of India towarde
the South, from whence he fet Brasill, and called it the lande
of Brasill.' So for that all shoulde come in his terme and

1 The Cape Verde Islands were discovered by Antonio NqIIo, a Geno-
vese, in the service of the Infante Don Henry of Portugal. Qeographers
are not agreed as to the year in which this discovery was made : accord-
ing to Chelmicki {Corografia Cabo-Verdiana, p 2), it was in the month
of May 1446 ; but we find it also assigned to the years 1440, 1445, 1449,
1450, and 1460.

3 The natural conclusion to be drawn from this and the following pas-
sage is, that the Portuguese had discovered Brazil before the agreement
as to the three hundred and seventy leagues had been entered into. But

4(5

THK UOOKK M/VUK »Y

.■? I

limitcs, hee tooke three huiulrcd niid seiientie len{»ues he-
yonde Cnpo verdc : and after tliis, Ins 180 degrees, being his
part of the worldc, slioulde beginne in the Carde riglit oner
against tlie 340 degrees, where I haue made a little compassc
witli a crosse, and slioulde finishe at the IGO degree, where
also I haue made an other little marke. And after this com-
putation Avithout any controuersie, the Ilandcs of tlie spicerie
fall out of the Portingales domination. So that nowe tlie
Spaniardes say to the Portingales, that if they woulde be-
ginne their 180 degrees from the saide Capo Verde, to the
intent they shoulde extendc more towarde the oriente, and
so to touehe those Ilandes of the spicerie of the Emperour,
which is all that is betweene the two crosses made in this
carde, that then the Ilandes of Capo verde, and the landc of
Brasill that the Portingales nowe obtaine, is out of the sayde
limitation, and that they are of the Eraperours, Or if their
180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyonde the
sayde Capo verde, to include in it the sayde Ilandes and
landes of Brasill, then plaiuely appeareth the saide 180
degrees shoulde finishe longe before they come to these
Ilandes of the spicerie of the Emperour : As by this Carde
your Lordeshippe may see. For their limittes shoulde be-
ginne at the 340 degrees of this Carde, and ende at 160
degrees, where I haue made two little marks of the compassc
with crosses in them.

this is not correct, the Capitulation of Tordcsillas bearing date five years
before the coast of Brazil was known. The name given to the country
by the discoverers was Santa Cruz, which was afterwards changed to
Brazil, from the immense quantity of the wood so called found there.
There is early evidence to prove that the wood gave the name to the
country, and not the country to the wood. The following passage occurs
in the Liber Radicum of the Rabbi Kimchi, a Spaniard, who lived in the
thirteenth century. "Algummim (2 Chron. ix, 10), alias Almugim (1
Kings, X, 12) : both stand for the same, and in common language it is
called Corallo ; but some persons declare it to be a sort of wood used for
dying, called in Arabic Alhakam, and in common language Brazil —
Kimchi, Lib. Rad. sub voce, □JI7.

MA8TKU KOUKRT TIIOUNR.

So that plaincly it shouldc appenrc by reason, that the
Portiugalea 8liouldc leauc these Ilandes of Capo vordc, and
land of Urasill, if th(!y avouUI haue part of tlic spiccrie of tlic
Empcrours : or else holding these, they haue no parte there.
To this the Portingales say, that they will beginno their 180
degrees from tlic selfe same Capo verde: for that it maye
extcndc so muche more towarde the oriente, and touche
these Ilandes of the Emperours : and woulde winne these
Ilandes of Capo verde and landc of Brasill neucr the lesse, as
a thinge that they possessed before the consent of this limi-
tation was made.'

So none can vcrylye tell whiche hath the best reason.

They bee not yet agreed, Quare sub ludice lis est. But
without doubtc, by all coniecturcs of reason, the sayde Ilandes
fall all without the limitation of Portingale, and pcrtayne to
Spainc, as it appearcth by the most parte of all the Gardes
made by the Portingales, sane those they banc falsified of
late purposely.* But nowe touching that your Lordeshippe

* See ante, page 0, note, as to the Jiscovory of Brazil.

« In the year 1524, a serious effort was made to settle these differences,
and commissioners from both crowns met at the boundary between
Badivjoz and Yelves. It had been previously agreed, that the Portuguese
should be allowed the three hundred and seventy leagues mentioned in
the text, and the points to be discussed were— 1, Upon what medium
the line of demarcation should be made, whether upon the marine
chart, or upon the spherical map ; 2, IIow they should fix the proper
situation of the Capo Verde Islands ; and 3, From which of the Cape
Verde Islands they should commence the measurement of the three hun-
dred and seventy leagues, for the line of demarcation. Difficulties imme-
diately arose. There was found to be a difference of seventy leagues
between the situation of places, as laid down in the maps produced by
the Spaniards and the Portuguese. Again, the Portuguese wished to
measure the three hundred and seventy leagues from La Sal, the most
eastern of the Cape Verde Islands ; the Spaniards, from San Antonio, the
most western : the distance between the two being not less than seventy
leagues. The Portuguese rejected both the marine charts and maps of
the Spaniards, and endeavoured to confine the inquiry to the question of
actual possession of the Spice Islands. The Spanish commissioners, on
the other hand, insisted upon fixing the line of demarcation, aflivming.

(< I

)tkl>y'^

THE BOOKE MADK BY

yil I

men.

Note.

wrote, whether that which wee discouered toiicheth any
New found thing the forcsayde coastes : once it appeareth plainely, that
engil'sh-'^'^^ the Newe founde lande that wee discouered is all a mayne
lande, with the Indies occidental], from whence the Empe-
rour hath all the golde and pearles : and so continueth of
coaste more then 5000 leagues of length, as by this Garde
appeareth. For from the saide newe landes it proceedeth
toward the occidet to the Indies, and from the Indies return-
eth toward the orient, and after turneth southwarde vp till
it come to the straytes of Todos Sanctos, whiche I reckon to
bee more then 5000 leagues.

So that to the Indians it shoulde seeme that wee haue some
title, at least, that for our discouering wee might trade thither
as other doe. But all this is nothing neere the spicerie.
To sayie by Nowc then (if from the sayde newe founde landes the Sea

the pole, ^ _ •'

bee Nauigable), there is no doubte, but say ling Northwarde
and passing the pole, descendiug to the equiaoctiall lyne,
wee shall hitte these Ilandes, and it shoulde bee much more
shorter way then eyther the Spaniardes or the Portingales
haue. For wee bee distaunt from the pole but 39 degrees,
and from the pole to the Equinoctiall bee 90, the which
added together be 129 degrees, leagues 2480, and mylcs
7440. Where wee shoulde finde these Ilandes. And the
Nauigation of the Spaniardes to the spicerie is, as by this
Garde you may see, from Spayne to the Ilandes of Canarie,
and from these Ilandes they runne ouer the lyne Equinoc-

that the line of partition for the three hundred and seventy leagues must
commence at the Island of San Antonio, and that 'he Moluccas, Sumatra,
Malacca, the Philippine Islands, and also China, fell within the line of
demarcation for Castille, by mary degrees ; and that their situation was
not in the longitude affirmed b}' the Portuguese. In the midst of these
discussions, the term for which the commission ^vas appointed expired,
and the commissioners ultimately came to the decision that they could
decide nothing ; and not knowing what better to do, left the matter to be
settled by their respective sovereigns. — Herrera, Historia de la E^pana,
torn, i, Descripcion, p. 2, Dec. iii, lib. vi, cap. 3-8 j Navarrcte, CoUeccion,
torn, iv, p. 310 et seqq.

MASTKtt llOHERT TUOllNK.

ation or desire of this discouerie I inherited of my father,
which with another merchant of Bristowe, named Hugh
Eliotj were the discouerers of the ncwe found lads, of the
which there is no doubt, as now plainly appeareth, if the The cause
marriners woulde then haue been ruled, and folowed their ^|;j' [,"( ^*''
pilots mind, the lands of the Avest In ^^"t::., from whence all also 'srbas.
the gold commeth, had been ours. For all is one coaste, as writeth in

an ciiislln

by the carde appeareth, and is aforct«aide. Also in this carde, S^^"^p^„' ,
by the coastes where you see C, your Lordship shall vnder-
stand it is set for Cape or head land ; where I, for Hand j
where P, for Port ; where R, for Riucr. Also in al this little
carde, I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of
the land, saue onely in these Hands of spicery : which for
that as afore is sayd, euery one setteth them after his minde,
there can be no certification how they stand. I doe not
denie that there lacke many things that a consumate carde
should haue, or that a right good demonstration desireth.
For there should be expressed all the mountaines and riuers
that are principall of name in the earth, with the names of
Portes of the sea, the names of all principall cities, whiche
all I might haue set, but not in this Carde, for the little space
would not consent.

Your Lordship may see that setting only the names almost
of euery region and yet not of all, the roome is occupied.
Many Hands are also left out for the saidc lacke of roorae :
the names almost of all portes put to silence, with the roses
of the windes or pointes of the compasse : For that this is
not for Pilots to sayle by, but a summaric declaration of that
which your Lordship commaunded. And if by this your
Lordshippe cannot well perceiue the meaning of this carde,
of the which I woulde not maruell, by reason of the rude
composition of it, will it please your Lordship to aduise mee
to make a bigger and a better mappe, or els that I may cause
one to bee made For I knowe my selfe in this and all

1 Ramusio, Navigutioni, vol. iii, p. C, Preface. Edit. 1565.

THE BOOKE MADE BY

other nothing perfect but Licet semper discens, nunquam
tamen ad perfectam scientiam peruenient. Also I knowe to
set the forme Sphericall of the worlde in Piano after the true
rule of Cosmographie, it would haue been made otherwise
then this is : howbeit the demonstrati(m shoulde not haue
beene so plaine. And also these degrees of longitude, that
I set in the lower part of this Card, shold haue been set
along by the line equinoctiall, and so then must bee ima-
gined. For the degrees of longitude neare either of the poles
are nothing equal in bignes to them in the equinoctiall.
But these are set so, for that setting them a long the Equi-
noctiall, it would haue made obscure a great parte of the
mappe. Many other curiosities may be required, which for
the nonce I did not set downe, as well for that the intent I
had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie,
as for that I lacke ley sure and time. I trust your Lordshippe,
correcting that Avhich is erred, will accept my good will,
which is to do any thing that I maye in your Lordshippes
seruice. But from henceforth, I knowe your Lordshippe wil
rather commande me to kecpe silence then to be large, when
you shalbe weeried with the reading of this discom'se. lesus
prosper your estate and healtii.

Your Lordshippes Robert
Thome, 1527.

Also this Carde, and that which I write touching the vari-
aunce betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingale,
is not to bee shewed or communicated there with many of
that Courte. For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall
to the Emperour, yet it may bee a cause of paine to the
maker : as well for that none may make these Gardes but
certaine appointed and alloAved for masters, as for that pcr-
aduenture it woulde not sounde well to them, that a stranger
shoulde knowe or discouer their secretes : and wolde appeare

MASTER KOBEllT THOllNE.

worst of all, if they vnderstand that I write touching y*^ short
way to the spicerie by our Seas. Though, peraduenture, of
troth, it is not to bee looked too, as a thing that by all opi-
nions is vnpossible, and I thinke neuer will come to effect :
and, therefore, neither heere nor elswhere is it to bee spoken
of. For to moue it amongcst wise men it shoulde bee had
in derision. And, therefore, to none I woulde haue written
nor spoken of such things but to your Lordship, to whome
boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my selfe.
But if it please God that into Englande I may come with your
Lordship, I will shewe some coniectures of reason, though
against the generall opinion of Cosmographers, by which
shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation.
And tyll that time, I beseeche your Lordship let it bee put
to silence : and in the meane season it may please God to
sende our two Englishmen, that are gone to the spicerie,
which may aLo bring more plaine declarsition of y' which in
this case might bee desired.' Also I knowe, it needed not to
haue beene so prolixe in the declaration of this Carde to your
Lordship, if the saide Carde had beene very well made after
the rules of Cosmographie. For your Lordship woulde soone
vnderstande it better then I, or any other that coulde haue
made it : and so it shoulde appeare that I shewed Delphmuni
nature. But for that I haue made it after my rude maner,
it is ncccssarie that I be the declarer or gloser of mine owne
work, or els your Lordship should haue had muclx labour to
vnderstande it, which nowe witli it also cannot bee excused
it is so grossely done. But I knewe you looked for no
curious things of mce, and therefore I trust your Lordshippc
will accept this and holde mee for excused. In other mens
letters that they write, they craue pardon that at this present

1 Sec ante, p. 35, where Thome informs us, that he and his partner had
ventured 1400 ducats in a certain fleet of Spanish merchantmen, princi-
pally that he might have an opportunity of sending two Englishmen with
them, who might thereby haye an opportunity of observing the naviga-
tion to the Spice Islands.

111

THE BOOKE MADE BY MA.8TEU KOBERT THORNE.

\i\:

p I

they write no larger : but I must finish, asking pardon, that
at this present I write so largely. lesus preserue your Lord-
ship with augmentation of dignities.

Your seruant Robert Thome. 1527.

This Exhortation to king Hcnrie the eight, with the dis-
course to Doctor Ley, his Ambassadour in Spaine, was pre-
serued by one master Emmanuel Lucar, executour to master
Robert Thome, and was friendly imparted vnto mee by
master Cyprian Lucar, his sonne, an honest Gentleman, and
very forwarde to further any good and laudable action. And
that it may bee knowne that this motion tooke present effect
with the king, I thought it good herewithall to put downe
the testimonie of our Chronicle that the king set pur shippes
for this discouerie in ^is lifetime. Master Hall ' and master
Grafton'' in their Chronicles write both thus : This same
moneth king Henry the eight sente two faire ships well
manned and victualed, hauing in them diners cunning men,
to seeke strange regions : and so they, set foorth out of the
Thames the xx day of May, in the xix yeere of his raigne.
In the yeere of our Lorde 1527.^

1 Vol. ii, fol. 158, b. Edit. 1650. « Page 1149. Edit. 1569.

3 These two ships were the Mary of Guildford and the Sampson, which
sailed from Plymouth on the 10th of June 1527. The Mary of Guild-
ford arrived at Newfoundland on the 21st of July; but the Sampson had
been separated from her consort in a storm about the 1st of July, and
was never heard of afterwards. The fullest account of the voyage, and
that extremely meagre, is given by John Rut, the master of the Mary of
Guildford, in a letter addressed by him to King Henry VIII, from St.
John's Bay, Newfoundland, and dated August 3rd, 1527. — Purchas, Fil-
grimes, vol.iii, p. 809. See also Hakluyt (vol. iii, p. 129), who evidently
had not seen Rut's letter, and was very imperfectly acquainted with the
particulars of this voyage ; and Memoirs of Cabot, p. 272, et seqq.

FINIS.

MASTER UOBEUT TilORNE.

tiall Southwarde to the cape of the mayne lande of Indians,
called the Cape of Sainte Augustine, and from this cape
Southwardes to the straytes of Todos Sanctos, in the whiche ^tJaUes of
Nauigation to the sayde straites is 1700 or 1800 leagues: and ""«''''"•
froLi these straytes, being past them, they returne towarde
the line Equinoctiall to the Ilandes of spicerie, whiche are
distante from the sayde straites 4200 or 4300 leagues.

The Nauigation of the Portingalles to the sayd Hands is,
departing from Portingale Southwarde towarde the Capo
verde, and from thence to another Cape, passing the lyne
equinoctiall, called Capo de bona speransa, and from Por-
tingale to the cape is 1800 leagues, and from this cape to the
Ilandes of spicerie of the Emperour is 3500 leagues.

So that by this nauigation amounteth all to 4300 leagues.
So that as afore is sayde, if betweene our Newe founde landes,
or Norway, or Islande, the Seas towarde the north be Naui-
gable, wee shoulde goe to these Ilandes a shorter way by
more then 2000 leagues. And though wee went not to the
saide Ilandes, for that they are the Emperours or Kinges of
Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comming once to Note.
the line Equinoctiall, fiude landes no lesse riche of Golde
and spicerie as all other landes are vnder the saide line Equi-
noctiall : and also shoulde, if wee may passe vnder the North,
enioye the Nauigation of all Tartaric.

Which should bee no lesse profitable to our commodities ^^"JJJ^^,^"
of clothe, then these spiceries to the Emperour and king of
Portingale.

But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers, that Obieciion.
passing the senenth clyme,* the sea is all ice, the colde so

1 A climate is a space of the surface of the globe comprised between
two circles parallel to the equator. Thn general rule for determining
the region embraced by each climate has been a certain variance in the
length of the longest day, so that the longest day at the parallel nearest
to the equator shall exceed the longest day at the parallel nearest to the
pole by the per: id of time fixed upon. Ptolemy made a quarter of an hour
his rule ; but most geographers, up to a period long subsequent to the time

iil.

THE BOOKE MADE BY

Answere.

A tree
opinion.

A voyage of
diseouerie
by the pole.

M. Thome
nnd M.
Eliot, disco-
uiTcrs of
New found
land

much that none can sviflter it. And hitherto they had all the
like opinion^ that vnder the lyne Equinoctiall for muche
heate the lande was inhabitable.^

Yet since by experience is prooued no lande so much
habitable nor more temperate. And to conclude, I thinke
the same shoulde bee founde vnder the North if it were expe-
rimented. For as all iudge, Nihil ft vacuum in rerum natura:
So I iudge there is no lande inhabitable nor Sea innauigable.
If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto mee, I
shoulde bee too prolixe, and it seemeth not requisite for this
present matter. God knoweth that though by it I shoulde
haue no great interest^ yet I haue had and still haue no little
minde of this businesse : So that if I had facultie to my
will, it should bee y° first thing that I woulde vnderstande,
euen to attempt, if our Seas Northwarde bee nauigable to the
Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sicknesses are heredi-
tarious and come from the father to the sonne, so this iuclin-

when Thome wrote, made half an hour the boundary of each climate, which
would bring the "seventh clyme" mentioned in the text to about 60^ de-
grees north. This, however, would not at all bear out the assertion, that
" it is a general opinion of all cosmographers, that passing the seventh
clyme, the sea is all ice, the cold so much that none can suffer it." Qeogra-
phers have been far from unanimous on the subject. Ricciolius, in his Geo-
ffrajj/na ei Hydrogra2)hia reformata, page 268, Edit. Venetiis, 1672, fol.
commences a very learned disquisition, " De climatum diversitate," by
observing, " There is a marvellous confusion respecting th^m, and not a
little need of reformation." It is quite clear, that the opinion quoted by
Thome, must h^ve been founded upon tables very different from those
generally given ; and that his " seventh clyme" must have been much
farther north. Jan Janson, refefing to the necessarily increasing con-
traction of the climates as they receded from the equator, when the
variance of time is made the basis of the limit, proposed that the
northern and southern hemispheres should b divided 'uto ten climates
of ten degrees each, — thus rejecting all con- 'eration both of time and
of temperature. This would bring the nor.aern limit of the seventh
climate to seventy degrees ; but this division, which was adopted by
Blaeu, was not introduced until more than a century after Thorne
wrote. — Janson, Novus Atlas, tom. i, cap, 6, Introd. Edit. 1658 ; Blaeu,
De Globis, cap. 4, No. 3.

1 In pro non, i. e., not habitable.

.....^.^■fev'is

iLLVSTKI VJRO, DOMIHO PHILIPPO SIDN^O
MICttALL LOK, CIVIS lONDINENSIS
mKC CHARTAM DETDJCAb/Vr :• '<-«^

TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN KING OF FUAUNCE,
FRAUNCES THE FIRST.

THE RELATION OF JOHN VERARZANUS, A

Florentine, of the landc by him discouercd in

the name of his Maiestie, written in Diepo

tho eight of July 1524.

I WROTE not to your Maicstic (most Christian king) since
the time wee suffered the tempest in the Nortli partes, of
the successe of the foure Ships wliich your Maiestie sent
forth to diseoner new hinds l)y the Ocean, thinking your
Maiestie had been alreadie duly enformed thereof. Nowe
by these presents I will giue your Maiestie to vndcrstand
howe by the violence of the windes wee were forced with y"
two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin, in such euill case
as they were, to landc in Britaine.* Whereafter wee had
repaired them in all pointcs as was ncedefuU, and armed
them very well, wee tooke our course a long by the coast of
Spaine. Afterwardes, with the Dolphin alone, wee deter-
mined to make discouerie of newe Countries, to prosecute
the nauigation wee had alreadie begun, which I purpose at
this present to recount vnto your Maiestie, to make manifest
the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17 of lanuarie, the
yeere 1524, by the grace of God, wee departed from the dis-
habited Rocke,' by the Isle of Madera, appertaining to the
king of Portingall, with fiftie men, with victuals, weapon,
and other ship munition very well prouided and furnished

Brittany.

2 Oue of the Dozertas.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

I I.I
11.25

rM PM

1^ IM 12.2
12.0

1.4

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

'<if

k /^.^

3*^ WIST MAIN STMET

WIBSTER,N.Y. 14S80

(716)872-4503

THE DISCOUEUIE OF

for 8 monethes : And sayling westwards with a faire Easterly
winde, in 25 dayes wee ranne 500 leagues^ and the 20 of
Februarie wee were ouertaken with as sharpe and terrible a
tempest as euer any saylers suffered : whereof with y^ diuine
helpe and mercifuU assistaunce of Almightie God, and the
goodnesse of our ship, accompanied with the good hap of her
fortunate name, wee were deliuered, and with a prosperous
wind followed our course West and by North, and in other
25 dayes wee made aboue 400 leagues more : where wee dis-
couered a newe land,' neuer before seene of any man, either
auncient or moderne, and at the first sight it seemed some-
what lowe, but beeing within a quarter of a league of it, wee
perceiued by the great fiers that wee sawe by the Sea coaste
that it was inhabited : and saw that the lande stretched to
the Southwards : in seeking some conuenient harborough
whereby to come a lande and haue knowledge of the place,
wee sayled fiftie leagues in vaine, and seeing the lande to
runn still to the Southwards, wee resolued to returne backe
againe towardes the North, where we found our selues trou-
bled with the like difficulty : at length, beeing in despaire
to j&nde any port, wee caste anker upon the coast, and sent
our Boate to shore, where we sawe great store of people, which
came to the Sea side, and seeing vs to approche they fled
away, and sometimes would stande still and looke backe,
beholding vs with great admiration : but afterwardes, beeing
animated and assured with signes that wee made them, some
of them came harde to the Sea side, seeming to reioyce very
much at the sight of vs, and marueiling greatly at our appa-
rell, shape, and whitenes, shewed vs by sundry signes where
wee might most commodiously come a land with our Boat,
offering vs also of their victuals to eate. Nowe I will briefly
declare to your Maiestie their life and manners, as farre as
wee coulde haue notice thereof : These people goe altogea-

' Probably in the neighbourhood of Charleston, in South Carolina, or
of the Savannah.

MOIIUM BEOA.

ther naked, except only that they couer their priuie partes
with certaine skinnes of beastes like vnto Martems, which
they fasten vnto a narrowe girdle made of grasse, verye arti-
ficially wrought, hanged about with taUes of diners other
beastes, which rounde about their bodies hang dangling
downe to their knees. Some of them weare garlandes of
byrdes feathers. The people are of colour russet, and not
much vnlike the Saracens, their hayre blacke, thicke, and
not very long, which they tye togeather in a knot behinde,
and weare it like a taile. They are wel featured in their
limbs, of meane stature,'' and commonly somewhat bigger
then we, brode breasted, strong armes, their legges and
other partes of their bodies well fashioned, and they are dis-
figured in nothing, sauing that they haue somewhat brode
visages, and yet not all of them : for wee sawe many of them
well fauoured, hauing blacke and great eyes, with a cheerefuU
and stedie looke, not strong of body, yet sharpe witted,
nymble and great runners, as farre as we coulde learne by
experience ; and in those two last qualities they are like to
the people of the East partes of the worlde, and especially to
them of the vttermost partes of China, wee coulde not learne
of this people their manner of lining, nor their particular
customes, by reason of y^ short abode we made on the shore,

' This should be Norumbega, or Nurumbega, as appears by the follow-
ing passages, from a piece entitled "Discorso d'un gran Capitano di Mare
Francese", inserted by Ramusio in his Collection, vol. iii, p. 425. Edit.

1665: — "Delia i&cn, di Norumhega" "La terra k detta da paesani

suoi Nurumhega", etc. According to Michael Lok's map, and also that
of Ortelius and some other geographers, Nurumbega comprised the dis-
trict between the river and Qulph of St. Lawrence and the Hudson river.
Cluverius, however, in his Introductio ad Universam Geographiam, p. 562,
Amstel. 1697, says : " Pars tamen ejus [Nova Francia], qua ad mare
accedit Norumbega ab urbe cognomine dicta." And this corresponds with
the map in Ramusio (vol. iii, page 424. Edit. 1565), where Nurumbega
appears to comprise the southern portion of that district, from Long
Island Soimd to the Bay of Fundy.

3 i. e,, middle or medium stature.

THE DISCOUERIE OF

our companie being but small, and our ship ryding farre of
in the Sea. And not farre from these we founde an other
people, whose lining wee thinke to bee like vnto theirs (as
heereafter I will declare vnto your Maiestie), shewing at this
present the situation and nature of the foresaide lande : The
shore is all couered with small sande, and so ascendeth vp-
wardes for the space of fifteene foote, rising in forme of little
hilles about fiftie paces broade. And sayling forwards, wee
founde certaine small Riuers and armes of the Sea, that enter
at certain creekes, washing the shore on both sides as the
coast lyeth.i And beyonde this wee sawe the open Corntrie
rising in height aboue the sandie shore, with many fayre
fieldes and plaines, full of mightie great woods, some verie
thicke and some thinne, replenished with diuers sortes of
trees, as pleasaunt and delectable to beholde as is possible to
imagine. And your Maiestie may not thinke that these are
like the woodes of Hercinia,^ or the wilde Desertes of Tartary,
and the Northeme Coastes full of fruitlesse trees : But full
of Palme trees. Bay trees, and high Cypresse trees, and many
other sortes of trees vnknowne in Europe, which yeeld most
sweete sauours, farre from the shore ; the propertie whereof
wee coulde not learne for the cause aforesaide, and not for
any difficultie to passe through the woods : Seeing they are
not so thicke but that a man may passe through them.
Neither doe wee thinke that they part taking of the East
worlde ronnde about them are all to geather voide of drugs or
spicerie and other richesse of gold, seeing the colour of the
lande doth so much argue it. And the lande is full of many
beastes, as Stags, Deare, and Hares, and likewise of Lakes
and Pooles of Fresh water, with great plentie of foules, con-
uenient for all kinde of pleasant game. This lande is in

* This description corresponds with the character of the shore and
country about George Town and Long Bay.

3 A vast forest in autient Qermany, remarkable for its wild character
in the time of Gsesar. The Black Forest in Suabia is a portion of it, and
attests by its name the character of its gloomy parent.

MORUM BEGA.

latitude 34 D, with good and holsome ayre, temperate be- Gr.34.
tweene hot and colde, no vehement windes doe blowe in
those Regions^ and those that doe commonly raigne in those
Coastes, are the North West and West windes in the Som-
mer season (in the beginning whereof wee were there), the
skie cleere and faire, with very little raine : and if at any
time the ayre bee cloudie and mistie with the Sowtherne
winde, immediately it is dissolued, and waxeth cleare and
fayre agayne. The Sea is caulme, not boysterous, the wanes
gentle, and although all the shore bee somewhat lowe and
with out harborough: yet it is not daungerous to the saylers,
beeing free from rockes and deepe, so that within foure or
fine foote of the shore, there is twentie foote deepe of water
without ebbe or flood, the depth still increasing in such vni-
forme proportion. There is very good ryding at Sea: for any
Ship beeing shaken in a tempest, can neuer perishe there by
breaking of her cables, which wee haue proued by experience.
For in the beginning of March (as is vsual in all Regions),
beeing in the Sea oppressed with Northerne windes, and
riding there, wee founde our anker broken before the earth
fayled or mooned at all. Wee departed from this place, still
running a long the coaste, which we found to trende towarde
the East,' and wee saw euerie where verie great fiers by reason
of the multitude of the inhabitants. While we rode on that
Coaste, partlie because it had no harborough, and for that
wee wanted water, wee sent our Boat a shore with 25 men :*
where, by reason of great and continual wanes that beate
against the shore, being an open coast, without succour, none
of our men coulde possible goe a shore without loosing our
boate. We sawe there many people, which came vnto the
shore, making diuers signes of friendship, and shewing that
they were content wee shoulde come a lande, and by trial we coimeous

1-1 • • *"'' gentle

found the to be very courteous and gentle, as your maiestie people.

Prolmbly Onslow Bay.

2 Probably about Raleigh Bay.

THE DISCOUERIE OF

shal vnderstand by the successe. To the intent we might
sende them of our thinges, which the Indians commonly
desier and esteeme, as sheetes of Paper, glasses, belles, and
such like trifles : Wee sent a young man, one of our Mar-
riners, a shore, who swimming towards them, and being
within 3 or 4 yeards off the shore, not trusting them, cast
the thinges vpon the shore, seeking afterwardes to returne,
hee was with such violence of the waues beaten vpon the
shore, that he was so bruised that hee lay there almost dead,
whiche the Indians perceiuing, ranne to catche him, and
drawing him out, they carried him a little way of from the
sea : The young man perceiuing they caried him, beeing at
the first dismaide, began then greatly to feare, and cried out
pitiously, likewise did the Indians, which did accompanie
him, going about to cheere him and giue him courage, and
then setting him on the grounde at the foote of a little hill
against the sunne, beganne to beholde him with great admi-
ration, marueiling at the whitenesse of his fleshe : and put-
ting off his clothes, they made him warme at a great fire, not
without our great feare which remained in the boate that
they would haue rosted him at that fire and haue eaten him.
The young man hauing recouered his strength, and hauing
stayed a while with them, shewed them by signes that hee
was desirous to returne to the shippe : And they with great
loue clapping him fast about with many embracings, accom-
panying him vnto the sea, and to put him in more assurance,
leaning him alone, they went vnto a high grounde and
stoode there, beholding him, vntil he was entred into the
boate. This yong man obserued, as we did also, that these
are of colour enclining to Blacke, as the other were, with
their fleshe verie shining, of raeane stature, handsome visag,
and delicate limmes, and of verie little strength: but of
, prompt witte, farther wee obserued not.

Departing from hence, following the shore, which trended
somewhat towarde the North, in 50 leagues space, wee came

MORVM BEG A.

to another lande,' which shewed much more faire and full of
woods, being very great, where we rode at Ancker, and that
wee might haue some knowledge thereof, wee sent 20 men a
lande, which entred into the countrey about two leagues,
and they founde that the people were fledde to the woods for
feare, they sawe onely one olde woman with a young maide
of 18 or 20 yeeres olde, which, seeing our companie, hid them-
selues in the grasse for feare, the olde woman caried two
Infantes on her shoulders, and behinde her necke a childe
of 8 yeeres olde : the yong woman was laden likewise with
as many : but when our men came vnto them, the women
cryed out, the olde woman made signes that the men were
fled vnto the woods as soone as they sawe vs : to quiet them
and to winne their fauour, our men gaue them suche victuals
as. they had with them to eate, which the old woman receiued
thankfully: but the yong woman disdained them al, and
threwe them disdainefully on the grounde, they tooke a
childe from the olde woman to bring into Fraunce, and
going about to take the young woman, which was verye
beawtifull, and of tal stature, they could not possibly, for y^
great outcries that shoe made, bring her to the sea, and espe-
cially hauing great woods to passe through, and being farre
from the shippe, wee purposed to leaue her behinde, bearing
away the childe onely. We found those folkes to bee more
white than those that we founde before, being clad with cer-
taine leaues y* hang on boughes of trees, which they sowe
together with thredes of wilde hempe, their heads were
trussed vp after the same manner as the former were, their
ordinarie foode is of pulse, whereof they haue great store,
differing in colour and taste fro ours, of good and pleasant
taste. Moreouer, they line by fishing and fouling, which
they take with ginnes, and bowes made of hard wood, the
arrowes of Canes, being headed with the bones of fishe and
other beastes. The beastes in these parts are much wilder

' About latitude 38 north.

THE DISCOUERIE OF

the in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased and
hunted. Wee sawe many of their boates, made of one tree,
20 foote long, and 4 foote broade, which are not made with
Iron, or stone, or any other kinde of metal (because that in all
this countrie, for the space of 200 leagues whiche we ranne,
wee neuer sawe one stone of any sort) : they help themselues
with fyre, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the
hoUownesse of the boate, the like they doe in making the
Sterne and the foreparte, vntill it be fitte to saile vpou the
sea. The lande is, in situation, goodnesse, and fairenes, like
the other : it hath woods like the other, thinne and fiill of
diuers sortes of trees : but not so ^.weete, because the countrey
is more northerly and cold.

"Wee sawe in this Countrey many Vines growing naturally,
which growing vp take hold of the trees, as they do in
Lombardie, w° if by husbandmen they were dressed in good
order, without all doubte they woulde yeelde excellent wines:
for wee hauing oftentymes scene the fruite thereof dried,
whiche was sweete and pleasaunt, and not differing from
ours. Wee doe thinke that they doe esteeme the same, be-
cause that in euery place where they growe, they take away
the vnder braunches growing rounde about, that the fruite
thereof may ripen the better.

We found also roses, violettes, lillies, and many sorts of
herbes, and sweete and odoriferous flowers, different from
ours. We knewe not their dwellinges, because they were
farre vp in the lande, and we iudge by manye signes that wee
sawe, that they are of wood and of trees framed together.

Wee doe beleeue also, by many coniectures and signes,
that many of them sleeping in the fieldes, haue no other
couer then the open skye. Further knowledge haue wee
not of them, we thinke y* all the rest whose countreys we
passed line all after one manner. Hauing our aboade three
dayes in this cuntrey, riding on the coast for want of har-
boroughs, we concluded to departe from thence, trending

MORUM DEOA.

along the shore betweene the North and the East, sayling
onely in the daytime, and riding at ancker by night. In the
space of 100 leagues sayling, wee founde a very pleasant
place, situated amongst certaine litle steepe hilles: from
amiddest the which hilles there ran down into the sea a
great streame of water, which within the mouth was very
deep, and from y^ sea to y" mouth of same, with the tyde,
which wee found to rise 8 foot, any great vessell laden may
passe vp.'

But because wee rode at Ancker in a place well fensed
from the winde, wee woulde not venture our selues without
knowledge of the place, and wee passed vp with our boate
onely into the sayde Riuer, and sawe the Countrey very wel
peopled. The people are almost like vnto the others, and
clad with the fethers of foules of diners colours, they came
towardes vs very cherefully, making great showtes of admi-
ration, shewing vs where we might come to lande most safely
with our boate. We entred vp the said riuer into the lande
about halfe a league, where it made a most pleasant lake
about 3 leagues in compasse : on the which they rowed from
the one side to the other, to the number of 30 of their small
boates : wherein were many people, whiche passed from one
shore to the other to come and see vs. And beholde, vpon the
sodaine (as it is wont to fall out in sayling), a contrarie flawe
of winde comming from the sea, wee were enforced to retun>
to our Shippe, leaning this lande to our great discontent- •x, e piea.
ment, for the great commoditie and pleasantnesse thereof, nchesofthe
whiche wee suppose is not without some riches, all the hills
shewing minerall matters in the. We weied Ancker, and
sayled towarde the East, for so the coast trended, and soThedescnp.

J ' ' tio of Clau-

alwayes for 50 leagues, being in the sight thereof, wee disco- ^'» ^''""'*-
uered an Ilande in the forme of a triangle, distant from the

' The mouth of the Hudson River answers to this description. The
Hudson is, most probably, the river known in this locality to the geogra-
phers of the sixteenth century as the Rio Grande.

THE DI9C0UERIE OF

•i

1 1

1 ,

maine lande 8 leagues, about the bignesae of the Ilande of
the Rodes, it was full of hilles, couered with trees^ well
peopled; for we sawe fires all along the coaste, wee gaue the

^'if"of KTn* ^*™® °^ ^* °^ y^^^ Maiesties mother,' not staying there by

Francu. reasou of the weather being contrarie.

Se*of'si"' ^^^ ^®® came to another lande, being 15 leagues distant

H.^u. uoy. £j,Qj^ tijg Ilande, where wee founde a passing good hauen,
wherein being entred we founde about 20 small boates of the
people, which with diners cries and wondrings came about
our shippe, comming no nerer then 60 paces towards vs, they
stayed and behelde the artificialnesse of our ship, our shape,
and apparel, tha they al made a loud showte together, declar-
ing that they reioyced : when we had something animated
them, vsing their geastes, they came so neere vs, that wee
cast them certaine bells and glasses and many toyes, whiche
when they had receiued, they lookte on them with laughing,
and came without feare aborde our ship. There were amongst
these people 2 kings, of so goodly stature and shape as is
possible to declare, the eldest was about 40 yeares of ag, the
second was a yong man of 20 yeeres old. Their apparell was

1 Or rather his first wife, Claudia. Generally supposed to be the island
now called Martha's Vineyard. If this supposition be correct (and it would
be difficult to substitute any more plausible conjecture), it becomes im-
possible to make the subsequent account of Verazzani's course correspond
with the present character of the coast, unless we admit, that at this
point he sailed back a few leagues. He says : " Wee came to another
land, being 15 leagues distant from the Ilande, where we founde a pass-
ing good haven": — and, subsequently, describes the land as lying east
and west, and the mouth of the haven as open to the south. Sailing from
Martha's Vineyard eastward, and following the coast, no haven would
be found corresponding in any particular with that described in the text,
nearer than Boston, which, however, is much more than fifteen leagues from
Martha's Vineyard, which opens to the east and not to the south, and
where the land runs north and south, and not east and west ; not to
mention other points of dilference. If, on the other hand, we suppose
that on leaving Claudia, he approached the main land to the north-west,
the fifteen leagues would bring him to Narraganset Bay, which in all its
main features corresponds with the " passing good haven", as described
in the text.

MOItl'M HKOA.

lande of
568, well
gaue the
there by

9 distant
i hauen,
bes of the
ae about
3 V8, they
ur shape,
r, declar-
animated
that wee
s, whiche
laughing,
I amongst
ape as is
f ag, the
)arell was

the island

ad it would

jcomes im-

correspond

lat at this

to another

ade a pass-

ying east

stilingfrom

yen would

Q the text,

eigues from

south, and

it ; not to

e suppose

orth-west,

in all its

described

on this maner : the elder had npo liis naked body a harts
skin, wrought artificialie with diners braunches like Damaske,
his head was bare, with the hairc tycd vp bchinde with diners
knottes : About his necke he had a large chaine, garnished
with diners stones of sundric colours, the young man was
almost appareled after the same manner. This is the good-
liest people, and of the fairest conditions, that wee haue found
in this our voyage. They exceed vs in bignes, they are of
the colour of brasse, some of the encline more to whituess :
others are of yellowe colour, of comely visage, with long and
blacke heire, which they are very carcfull to trim and decke
vp, they are blacke and quicke eyed. I write not to your
Maiestie of the other parte of their bodie, hauing all suchc
proportion as appertayneth to anye handsome man. The
women are of the like conformitie and Beawtie, verie hand-
some and well-fauored, they are as well mannered and cou-
tinente as anye women of good education, they are all
naked, sane their priuie partes, whiche they couer with a
Deares skinne, braunched or embrodered, as the men vse :
there are also of them whiche weare on their armes verie
riche skinnes of leopardes, they adome their heades with
diuers ornamentes made of their owne heire, whiche hange
downe before on both sides their brestes, others vse other
kinde of dressing them seines, like vnto the women of Egypt
and Syria, these are of the elder sorte : and when they are
married, they weare diuers toyes, according to the vsage of
the people of the East, as well men as women.

Among whom wee sawe many plates of wrought coper,
which they esteeme more then golde, whiche for the colour
they make no accompt of, for that among all other it is
counted the basest, they make most accompt of Azure and
red. The things that they esteemed most of al those which
we gaue them, were bels, cristall of Azure colour, and other
toies, to hang at their cares or about their necke. They did
not desire cloth of silke or of golde, much lesse of any other

'^^'

THE DI8COUER1E OF

II i

! )

Hortc, neither cared they for thiiigcs made of Steele and
Iron, which wee oftcp shewed them in our armour, whiehe
they made no wonder at, and in beholding them they onely
asked the arte of making them : the like they did at our
glasses, which who they behelde, they sodaiuely laught and
gaue them vs againe. They are very liberal, for they giue
that which they hane ; wo became great friendes with these,
and one day wee entred into the hauen with our shippe,
where as before wee rode a league of at sea by reason of the
contrary weather. They came in great companies of their
small boates vnto the ship with their faces all bepainted with
diuers colours, shewing vs y' it was a signe of ioy, bringing
vs of their victuals; they made signes vnto vs where wee
might safest ride in the hauen for the safcgarde of our shippe,
keeping still our companie : and after we were come to an
Ancker, we bestowed fifteene dayes in prouiding our selues
many necessary things, whether euery day the people re-
payred to see our ship, bringing their wiues with them,
whereof they are very ielous : and they themselues entring
abrode the shippe, and stayinge there a good spaco, caused
their wiues to stay in their boates, and for al the intreatie
we could make, offering to giue them diuers things, we could
neuer obtaine that they would suffer them to come aborde
our ship. And oftentimes one of the two kings comming
with his queene, and many gentlemen for their pleastve, to
see vs, they all stayed on y^ shore, two hundred paces fro
vs, sending a small boate to giue vs intelligece of their com-
ming, saying they would come to see our shippe, this they
did in token of safetye ; and assoone as they had answere
from vs, they came immediately, and hauing stayed a while
to beholde it, they wondered at hearing the cryes and noyes
of the marriners. The queene and her maids stayed in a
very light boate, at an Hand a quarter of a leage off, while
the king abode a long space in our ship, vttering diuers
conceites with geastures, viewing with great admiration all

cele and
p, whiche
ley onely
d at our
ight and
hey giue
ith these,
r shippe,
on of the

of their
ated with
bringing
here wee
ir shippe,
ne to an
ur selues
eople re-
th them,
B entring
0,, caused
intreatie
we could
e aborde
comming
asure, to
paces fr5
leir com-
bhis they

answere

a while

nd noyes

yed in a

off, while

g diuers

ation all

MORUM BEGA.

the furniture of the shippo, domaunding the propertic of
euorie thing perticularly. He tooke likewise great pleasure
in beholding our apparell, and in tasting our meates, and so
coiurteously taking his leaue departed. And sometimes our
men staying for two or three dayes on a little Ilnnde nere
the ship for diuors necessaries (as it is y" vse of seamen), he
returned with 7 or 8 of his gentlemen to see what we did,
and asked of vs oft times if wee meant to make any long
aboado there, offering vs of their prouision : then the king
drawing his bowe, and running vp and downe with his gen-
tlemen, made much sporte to gratifie our men; wee were
oftentimes within the lande 5 or 6 leagues, which we found
as pleasant as is possible to declare, very apt for any kinde
of husbandry, of come, wine, and oyle : for that there are
plaines 25 or 30 leagues broad, open and without any impe-
diment of trees of such fruitfulnesse, that any seede being
sowne therein, will bring forth most excellent fruite. We
entred afterwards into the woods, which wee found so great
and thicke, that any armie, were it neuer so great, might
haue hid it selfe therein, the trees whereof are okes, cipres
trees, and other sortes, vnknowen in Europe. We found
Pomi appii,^ Damson trees, and Nutte trees, and many other
sorts of fruits, differing fro ours : there are beasts in great
abundance, as hartes, deares, leopardes, and other kinds,
which they take with their nets and bowes, which are their

1 A particular kind of apple ; but this term is not in use at the present
day, and probably never extended beyond Italy. Pliny {Jlistoria Natu-
r<di», b. 15, c. 14) says : " Ab Appio e Glaudiana gente Appiana sunt
cognominata"; from which we may infer, either that Appius introduced
them into Italy from some foreign country, or that he produced them
from some particular graft. Matthioli, in his Diaconi ndli sei Lihri di
Dioacoride (tom. i, p. 260), observes : " In Tuscany, those [apples] called
' appie' and ' mele rose', are prized before all others, because in these two
species an aromatic and pleasing odour is found combined with a very
agreeable taste. Wherefore, I think that those would not err much who
should call the 'appie' the honey apple, and the 'mele rose* the Epirut
apple of Dioscorides."

•r iimss! nfK t.,A1^.2Tf T^72:

TllK DI9C0UKIIIK OI'

I..'

: I

chiefe weapons j the arrowes wliiclu; they vbc arc made with
great cunning, and in stcade of iron thoy head them with
smeriglio,! w' iasper stone, and hard marble, and other sharp
stones, which they vse in stead of iron to cut trees, and make
their boates of one whole piece of wood, making it hoUowe
with great and wonderfull art, wherein 10 or 13 men may
bee eomodiously ; their oares are shorte, <md broad at the
ende, and they vse them in the sea without anyc daunger,
and by maine force of armes, with as great speed^ncsse as
they liste them selues. We sawc their houses, made in cir-
culer or rounde fourme, 10 or iJi footo iti compasse, made
with halfe circles of timber, seperate one from another, with-
out any order of building, couercd with mattes of strawe
wrought cunningly together, which saue them from the
winde and raine, and if they had the order of building, and
perfect skil of workmaship as we haue, there were no doubt
but y' they would also make cftsoonus great and stately
buildings. For all the sea coastus are full of cleare and glis-
tering stones, and alablaster, and thenifore it is full of good
hauens and harbarours for ships. Thoy niooue the foresaide
houses from one place to another, according to the commo-
ditie of the place and season, wherein they will make their
aboade, and only taking of the coucr they haue other houses
builded incontinent. The father and the whole familie dwell
together in one house in great number •■ in some of them we
sawe 25 or 30 pergons. They fcede as the other doe afore-
saide, of pulse, whiche doe growe in tluit countrey with better
order of husbandry the in the others. They obserue in their
sowing the course of the Moone, and the rising of certaine
starres, and diners other customes spoktni of by autiquitie.
Moreouer, they liue by hunting and fishing ; they line long,
and are seldome sicke, and if they ehaiince to fall sieke at
any time, they heale themsclues with fire, without any phisi-
tiou, aiul they say that they die for very age. They are very
pitiful and charitable towardcs their neighbours, they make

* liiuuiy.

MORUM BKOA.

great lamentations in their aduersitie and in their miserie,
the kinred recken vp all their felicitie, at their departure out
of life, they vse mourning, mixt w* singing, w" continueth
for a log space. This is asmuch as wee coulde learne of
them. This lande is situated in the Paralele of Rome, in 41
degrees and 2 terces : but somewhat more colde by accidental I
cause and uot of nature (as I will declare vnto your high-
nesse els where), describing at this present the situation of
the forcsaide countrie, which lyeth East and West, I say that
the mouth of the hauen lyeth open to the South halfe a
league broade, and being entred within it, betweene the
East and the North, it stretcheth twelue leagues : where it
waxeth broder and broder, and maketh a gulfe aboute 20
leagues in compasse, wherein are fiue small Islandes, very
fruitfuU and pleasant, full of hie and broade trees, among the
which Ilandes any great Nauie may ryde safe without any
feare of tempest or other daunger. Afterwardes, turning
towards the South, and in the entring into the Hauen, on
both sides there are most pleasant hilles, with many riuers of
most cleere water falling into the Sea.'

In the middest of this entraunce there is a rock of free-
stone growing by nature, apt to builde any Castle or For-
tressc there, for y* keeping of the hauen. The fift of May,
being furnished with all thinges necessarie, we departed from
y" said Coast, keeping along in the sight thereof, and we
say led 150 leagues, finding it all wayes after one manner :
but the lando somewhat higher with certaine mouvitaines, all
which beare a shewe of minerall matter ; wee sought not to
lande there in any place, because the weather serued oxu'
turne for sayling : but wee suppose that it was like to the

1 After a very careful examination of the best printed maps, — Ame-
rican and English, and many MSS ,— wo have come to the conclusion,
that this haven is Narraganset Bay. In following a route like this of
Yerazzani, it must be borne in mind, that many of the statements as to
distance will be merely rough estimates ; and that even on the point of
degrees of latitude, it will not be safe to give writers of this early period
credit for strict accuracy.

THE DISCOUERIE OF

former; the Coast ranne Eastward for the space of fiftie
leagues. And trending afterwardes the North, wee founde
another lande* high, full of thicke woods, the trees whereof
were firres, Cipresses, and such like, as are wont to growe in
colde Countries. The people AiSer much from the other,
and looke how much the former seemed to be coui-teous and
gentle, so much were these fuU of rudenesse and ill manners,
and so barbarous, that by no signes that euer wee coulde
make, wee could haue any kinde of trafficke with them.
They cloth theselues with Beares skinnes, and Leopardes,
and sealles, and other beastes skinnes. Their foode, as farre
as wee coulde perceiue, repayring often vnto their dwellings,
wee suppose to bee by hunting and fishing, and of certaine
fruites, which are a kinde of rootes which the earth yeeldeth
of her owne accord. They haue no graine, neither sawe wee
any kinde or signe of tyllage, neither is the lande, for the
^arrennes therof, apt to beare frute or seed. If at any time
\ 3 desired by exchaunge to haue any of their commodities,
they vsed to come to the Sea shore vpon certaine craggie
rocks, and wee standing in our Boats, they let downe with a
rope what it pleased them to giue vs, crying continually that
wee should not approch to the lande, demanding immedi-
ately the exchange, taking nothing but kniues, fishookes,
and tooles to cut withall, neither did they make any account
of our curtesie. And when we had nothing left to exchange
with them, when we departed from them, the people shewed
all signes of discourtesie and disdaine, as was possible for any
creature to inuent. Wee were, in despight of them, two or
three leagues within the Irnde, being in number 25 armed
men of vs. And when we went on shore, they shot at vs
with their bowes, making great outcries, and afterwardes fled
into the woods. Wee founde not in this lande any thing
notable, or of importance, sauing very great woods and cer-
taine hilles, they may haue some mynerall matter in them,
because wee sawe many of the haue headstones of Copper

1 About Portsmouth, iu lievr Hampshire, or the southern part of Maine.

MORUM BEOA.

hanging at their eares. We departed from thence, keeping
our course North-East along the coaste, which wee founde
more pleasant champion, and without woods, with high moun-
taines within the lande : continuing directly along the coast
for the space of fiftie leagues, wee discouered 32 Ilelandes'
lying all neare the lande, heing small and pleasant to the
viewe, high, and hauing many turnings and windings be-
tweene them, making many fayre harboroughes and chanels,
as they doe in the goulfe of Venice in Saluonia, and Dal-
matian wee had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people :
wee suppose they are of the same manors and nature that the
others are. Sayling Northeast for the space of 150 leagues,
we approched to the lande that in times past was discouered
by the Britons, which is in fiftie degrees.' Hauing now spent
all oiu* prouision and victuals, and hauing discouered about
700 leagues and more of newe Countries, and being fur-
nished with Water and Wood, wee concluded to returne into
Fraunce.

Touching the religion of this people which wee haue
founde, for want of their language, we could not vnderstand,
neither by signes nor gesture, that they had any religion or
lawe at all, or that they did acknowledge any first cause or
mouer, neither that they worship the heauen or starres, the
Sunne or Moone, or other Planets, and much lesse, whether
they bee idolaters ; neither coulde wee learne whether that
they vsed any kinde of Sacrifices or other adorations, neither
in their villages haue they any Temples or houses of prayer.
We suppose that they haue no religion at all, and y* they liue
at their owne libertie. And y' all this proceedeth of Igno-
rance, for that they are very easie to bee persuaded : and all
that they see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice, they
did the same, with the like imitation as they sawe vs to
doe it.

1 We conjecture this to be Penobscot Bay. ' Newfoundland.

Podesta.

THE DISCOUERIE OF THE ILES OF FRISLAND,

Iseland, Engroueland, Estotiland, Drogeo, and Icaria,

made by M. Nicolas Zeno, Knight, and M. Antonio

his Brother.

In the yere of our Lord 1200, There was in the Citie of
Venice a famous Gentleman, named M. Marino Zeno, who for
his great vertue and singular wisedome, was called and elected
gouemour in certain common wealthes of Italy, in the admi-
nistration whereof hee bore himselfe so discreetly, that hee
was beloued of all men, and his name greatly reuerenced of
those that neuer knewe or sawe his person. And among
sundrie his worthie workes, this is recorded of him, that hee
pacified certaine greeuous ciuile dissentions that arose among
the Cittzens of Verona : whereas otherwise if by his graue
aduise and great diligence, they had not beene preuented, the
matter was likely to breake out in hot broiles of warre. Hee
was the first Agent that the common wealth of Venice kept
in Constantinople in the yeere 1205, quando n'era patrona,
conli baroni frdcesi. This Gentleman had a sonne, named
M. Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri, which
Duke dying with out issue, made his heyre M. Andrea, the
Sonne of M. Marco his brother. This M. Andrea was cap-
taine generall and Procurator, a man of great reputation for
many rare partes, that were in him. He had a sonne M. Ri-
nieri, a worthie Senatour and prudent councellour : Of whom
descende M. Pietro, Generall of the league of the Christians
against the Turkes, who was called Dragon, for that in his
armes hee bare a Dragon. Hee was father to M. Carlo, the
famous Procurator and Generall againste the Genowayes in
those cruel warres, when as almost all the chiefe princes of

THE DISCOUEBIE OF MORUM BEGA.

LAND,

laria.

Citie of
, who for
i elected
tie admi-
that hee
enced of
i among
that hee
ie among
lis graue
nted, the
re. Hee
tice kept
patrona,
), named
i, which
drea, the
was cap-
ation for
e M. Ri-
Xwhom
hristians
Eit in his
arlo, the
wayes in
riuces of

Europe did oppugne and seek to ouerthrow our Empire and
libertie, where by his great valiancie and prowesse, like an
other Furius Camillus, he delivered his Countrie from the
present perill it was in, being readie to become a pray and
spoyle vnto the enemie, wherefore hee was afterwarde sur-
named the Lion, and for an eternall remembrance of his
fortitude and valiant exploits he gaue the Lion in his armes.
M. Carlo had two brethren, M. Nicolo the knight and Anto-
nio, the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino,
the father of M. Pietro, this M. Pietrohad sonnes M. Caterino
that dyed the last yeere, M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista,
and M. Vincenzo. That M. Caterino was father to M. Nicolo
that is yet lining. Now M. Nicolo the kmght, being a man
of great courage and very nobly minded, after this foresaide
warre of Genoua, that troubled so our predecessours, entred
into a wonderfuU great desire and fansie to see the fashions
of the world, and to trauaile, and to acquaint himselfe with
the manners of sundry nations, and learne their languages,
whereby afterwards vpo occasions hee might be y* better able
to do seruice to his coutrie and purchase to himselfe crcdite
and honor. Wherfore hee caused a shippe to bee made, and
hauing furnished her at his proper charges (as hee was very
wealthie), hee departed out of our Seas, and passing the
straites of Gibralterra, he sailed for certaine dayes vpon
y^ Ocean, keeping his course stil to y* Northwards, w* intent
to see Englaund and Flaunders. Where being assaidted in
those Seas by a terrible tempest, was so tossed for the space
of many dayes with the Sea and winde, that hee knewe not
where hee was, till at length hee discouered lande, and not
beeing able any longer to sustaine the violence of the tempest,
the ship was cast away vpon the Isle of Friseland. The men
were saued and most part of the goods that were in the Ship. J^'^V zfno'
And this was in the yeere 1380. The inhabitants of the ij^j'^il
Hand came running in great multitudes w* weapons to set ia«o.'°*""°
vpon M. Nicolo and his men, who beeing sore wether beaten

THE D13C0UERIK OF

A forraine
prince hap-
ninf( to be in
Frisla'd wt
armed men.
When M.
Zeno suffer'
ed ship-
wrack, there
came vuto
him and
spake latin.

Zichmni
prince of
Forland or
duke of
Zoraiii.

Frislnnil the
king of Noi^
wayes.

and ouerlaboured at Sea, and not knowing in what part of
the worlde they were, were not able to make any resistaunce
at all, much lesse to defende them seines couragiously, as it
behooned them in such dangerous case. And they shoulde
haue been doubtlesse very discourteously entreated and
cruelly handeled, if by good hap there had not been hard by
the place a Prince with armed people. Who vnderstanding
that there was euen at that present a great ship cast away
vpon the Hand, came running at the noyse and outcries that
they made against our poore Mariners, and driuing away the
inhabitants, spake in latine, and asked them what they were
and from whence they came, and perceiuing y' they were
Italians and all of one Countrie, he was surprised with mar-
ueilous great ioy. Wherefore promising the all that they
shoulde receiue no discourtesie, and that they were come into
a place where they shoulde bee weU vsed and very welcome,
he tooke them into his protection vpon his faith. This was
a great Lord, and possessed certaine Hands, called Porland,
lying one the Southside of Frisland, being y'^ richest and
most populous of all those partes ; his name was Zichmni :
and beside the said little Hands, he was Duke of Sorani,
lying within the land towards Scotland. Of these North
partes I thought good to draw the copie of a Sea carde, which
amongest other antiquities, I haue in my house, which al-
though it be rotten through many yeres, yet it falleth out
indifferent well, and to those that are delighted in these
things, it may serue for some light to the vnderstanding of
that, which without it cannot so easily be conceiued. Zi-
chmni, being Lorde of those Seignories (as is said), was a very
warlike and valiant man, and aboue all things famous in Sea
causes. And hauing this yeere before giuen the ouerthrowe
to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the Ilande, beeing
desirous to winne fame by feates of armes, was come on land
with his me to giue the attept, for y^ winning of Frisland,
which is an Hand much bigger then Ireland. Wherefore

MORVM BEOA.

; part of
istaunce
ly, as it
shoulde
;ed and
hard by
standing
ist away
ries that
iway the
ley were
ley were
ith mar-
liat they
Dme into
welcome,
This was
Porland,
lest and
achmni :
■ Sorani,
e North
>e, which
^hich al-
leth out
in these
iding of
led. Zi-
as a very
s in Sea
rthrowe
, beeing
on land
iVisland,
herefore

seeing that M. Nicolo was a ma of iudgemcnt and discretion,
and very expert both in Sea matters and martiall affaires^ hce
gaue him commission to goe aboord his nauie with all his
men, charging the captaine to honour him, and in all things
to vse his counsaile. This Nauie of Zichmni was of thirteene
vessels, wherof two only were with oares, the rest small
barkes, and one ship, with the which they sayled to the
Westwardes, and with little paines wonne Ledouo and Ilofe,
and diners other small Ilandes, and turning into a bay called
Svdero, in the hauen of the towne named Sanestol, they
tooke certaine small Barks laden with salt fish. And heere
they founde Zichmni, who came by land with his armie,
conquering all the countrie as he went ; they staled here but
a while, but held on their course to the Westwards, till they
came to the other Cape of the goulfe or bay, then turning
againe,they found certaine Ilelandes and broken landes, which
they reduced all vnto the Seignorie and possession of Zichmni.
These Seas for as much as they sayled, were in maner
nothing but sholds and rocks, in sort that if M. Nicolo and
the Venetian mariners had not beene their Pilots, the whole
Fleete, in iudgement of all that were in it, had been cast away,
so small was ye skill of Zichmnis men in respect of ours, who
had been trained vp in the art and practice of nauigation all
the dales of their life. Now the Fleete hauing doone such
things (as is declared), y* Captaine, by the counsel of M. Ni-
colo, determined to goe a lande at a towne called Bondendon,
to vnderstande what successe Zichmni had in his warres,
where they heard, to their great content, that he had fought
a great battaile and put to flight the armie of his enemie :
by reason of which victorie they sent Embassadours from all
partes of the Ilande to yeeld the countrie vp into his handes,
taking down their enseignes in euery towne and castell : They
thought good to stay in that place for his comming, being
reported for certaine that he would bee there very shortly.
At his comming there was great congratulatio and many

THE DISCOUERIG OF

!?ii

signcs of gladncs shewed, as wel for the victorie by lande as

for that by Sea, for the which the Venetians were honoured

and extolled of all men, in such sort y' there was no talke

but of them, and of y® great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherfore,

the Prince, who was a great fauourer of valiant men, and

especially of those that coulde behaue them selues well at the

Sea, caused M. Nicolo to bee brought before him, and hauing

commended him with many honourable speeches, and praysed

his great Industrie and dexterie of wit, by the which he

acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable

benefite, as the sauing of his Fleete and the winning of many

ma(?e"knight placcs, hc made him Knight, and rewarded his men with

by ic mn . jj^^^^y richc and bountifull giftes : Then departing from

Sith filh'at' tlience, they went in triumphing maner towardes Friseland,

Frisland;
for F1 Bun-
ders, Brl-
tainp, Kng-
laod, Scot-
lanJ, Nor-
way, and
Denmark.
But not lo
bee proued
that eucr
any came
the'ce.

the chief Citie of y** Ilande, situate on the Southest side of the
Isle within a goulf (as there are very many in that Hand) .
In this goulfe or bay there is such great abundance of fish
taken, that many ships are laden therewith, to serue Flaunders,
Britaine, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmarke, and
by this trade they gather great wealth.
Aietter sent And thus much IS taken out of a letter that M. Nicolo sent
if zeno ' vnto M. Autouio his brother, requesting him that hee woulde

from Frise- . , . ^,_, « i i

land to bis scekc somc mcaucs to come to mm. Wherefore hee, who

brother M.

ven^c'e'^End ^^^ ^^ great dcsirc to trauaile as his brother, bought a Ship,
utter.""' and directing his course that way, after hee had sayled a
great while, and escaped many dangers, hee arrived at length
in safetie with M. Nicolo, who receiued him very ioy fully, for
that hee was his brother not only in fleshe and blood, but
also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in
Friselande, and dwelt there for the space of fourteene yeeres,
foure yeeres with M. Nicolo, and ten yeeres alone. Where
they came into such grace and favour with the Prince, that
hee made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauie, and with great
preparation of warre, they were sent foorth for the enterprise
of Estlande, which lyeth upon the coaste between Friseland

MOKUM BKGA.

lande as
onoured
no talke
Tierfore,
len, and
ill at the
1 hauing
Ipraysed
fhich he
stimable
of many
len with
ng from
Viseland,
de of the
t Hand),
ce of fish
aunders,
irke, and

colo sent

woulde

hee, who

a Ship,

sayled a

it length

'uUy, for

ood, but

Lained in

e yeeres.

Where

ice, that

th great

terprise

riseland

and Norway, wliere they did many domages, but hearing that
the king of Norway was comming towardcs them with a great
Fleet, they departed w' such a terrible flaw of wind y' they
were driue vpo certain sholdes. Where a great part of their
ships were cast away, y« rest were saued upo Grisland, a great
Hand, but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleete being
taken with the same storme, did vtterly perishe in those
seas. Whereof Zichmni hauing notice, by a shippe of his
enemies, that was cast by chaunce upon Grisland, hauing
repayred his fleete, and perceyuing him selfe northerly neere
vnto the Islandes, determined to set vpon Islande, which
together with the rest was subiect to the king of Norway :
but he founde the countrey so well fortified and defended,
that his fleete being so small, and very ill appointed both of
weapons and men, hee was gladde to retire. And so hee
left that enterprise without perfourming any thing at all, and
in the same chanelles he assaulted y^ other lies, called the
Islands, which are seven : Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mi-
uant, Dambere, and Bres, and hauing spoyled them all, hee
built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo, with certaine
small barkes and men and munition. And nowe thinking he
had done well for this voyage, with those fewe shippes which
were left hee returned into Frieslande. M. Nicolo remayning
nowe in Bres, determined vpon a time to goe forth and dis-
couer lande, wherefore arming out their small barkes in the
moneth of July, he sayled to the Northwardes, and arriued
in Engrouelande. Where he founde a monastery of Fryers
of the order of the Predicators, and a church dedicated to
S. Thomas, harde by a hill that casteth forth fire like Vesu-
uius and Etna.

There is a fountayne of hot burning water, with the whiche
they heate the Churche of the monasterie and the Fryers
chambers; it commeth also into the kitchen so boyling
hotte, that they vse no other fire to dresse their meate, and
putting their bread into brasse pottes without any water, it

Engroue-
latule.
Preaching
Friers of 8.
Tbumaa.

THE DISCOUKIUE OF

■

•[|

A notiitile
lyr.

(locth bnkCj as it were in a hot oucn. They haue also small
gardens coucrcd ouer in the winter time, which being watered
with this water, are defended from the force of the snowe and
colde, which in those parts being situate farre vuder the
pole, is very extreeme, and by this meanes they produce
flowers and fruites and herbes of sundrie sortes, euen as in
other temperate countreys in their seasons, in suche sorte that
the rude and saunge people of those partes seeing these
supernaturall effectes, doe take those Friers for Gods, and
bring them many presentes as chickens, fleshe, and diuers
other thinges, and haue them all in great reuerence as
Lords. When the frost and snowe is great, they heate tlieir
houses in maner before said, and will, by letting in the water
or opening the windowes, temper the heate and colde at
their pleasure. In y* buildings of the monastery, they vse
no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by
the fire, for they take the burning stones that are cast out as
it were sparkles or ceindres at the firie mouth of the hill,
and when they are most enflamed, cast water vpon them,
wherby they are dissolued and become excellet white lime,
and so tough, that being contriued in building, it lasteth for
euer. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them do
serue in steede of stones to make walles and vautes : for being
once colde, they will neuer dissolue or breake except they be
cut with some ir5 toole, and the vautes that are made of them
are so light, that they need no sustentacle or proppe to holde
them vp, and they wil endure continually very fayre and
whole. By reason of these great commodities, the friers
haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a
wonder to see. The couerts or roofes of their houses for the
most part are made in this maner j first they rayse the wall
vp to his full height, then they make it enclining or bowing
in by litle and litle in forme of a vaute. But they are not
greatly troubled with raine in those partes, for that, by reason
of the pole or colde climate, the first snowe being falne, it

80 small
watered
owe and
ider the
produce
len as in
orte that
(ig these
ods, and
d diuers
rence as
!ate their
he water
colde at
they vse
them by
ist out as
the hill,
)n them,
ite lime,
tsteth for
them do
for being
they be
of them
to holde
iyre and
le friers
it is a
Is for the
the wall
bowing
are not
ly reason
falne, it

MOllUM BEGA.

thawcth no more for the space of nine moneths, for so long
dureth their winter. They fecde of the fleshc of wildc bcastcs
and of fish, for where as the warme water fallcth into the sea,
there is a large and wide haucn which by reason of the heatc
of the water, doeth neuer freeze all the winter, by mcancs
whereof there is suche concourse and flocks of sea foule and
such aboundance of fishe, that they take thereof infinite mul-
titudes, whereby they maintayne a great number of people
rounde about, whiche they keepe in continuale worke, both in
building and taking of foules and fishe, and in a thousandc
other necessarie affaires and busincs about the monasterie.

Their houses are builte about the hill on euery side, in
fovume rounde, and 25 foote broadc, and in mounting vp-
wardes they goe narower and narower, leaning at the toppe a
litle hole, whereat the ayre commeth in to giue light to the
house, and the flore of the house is so hot, that being within
they feele no colde at all. Hither in the sommer time come
many barkes from the Hands there about, and from the
Cape aboue Norway, and from Trondon. And bring to the
Friers al maner things that may be desired, taking in
change thereof fishe, which they drie in the sunne, or in the
colde, and skins of diuers kindes of beastes. For the which
they haue wood to burne, and timber verie artificially earned,
and come and cloth to make them apparell. For in change
of the two foresayde commodities, all the nations bordering
rounde about them couet to trafficke with them, and so they
without any trauell or expences haue that which they desire.
To this monasterie resort Friers of Norway, of Suetia, and
of other countreys, but the most part are of the Islandes.
There are continually in that part many barkes, whiche are
kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, wayting for
the season of the yeere to dissolue the Ice. The fishers
boates are made like vnto a weauers shuttle; taking the
skins of fishes, they fashio them with the bones of the same
fishes, and sowing the together in many doubles, they make

Trade in
sommer
time n-um
Tromlon to
8. Thomas
rrierH in In-
gronela'd.

1 i

Resort of
friers ftvm
Norwdy and
Snellen to
the munas-
terle in In-
grouelande
called S.
Tho".

! f

ID thf; DisrorERiE or

thum 80 Riire and substnnciall, that it is miraculoua to sco
liow in tempests they ^vill shut thcsclnes close within^ and
let the sea and windc carrio them, they earo not whether,
without any fcare eyther of breaking or drowning. And if
they chance to be driuen vpo any rocks they rcmaine sounde,
without the least bru^.e in the worlde : And they haue, as it
were, a slceue in the bottome, which is tied fast in y* middle,
and when there cometh any water into their boat, they put
it into the one halfe of y* sleeue, the fastning y" endo of it
w' two peeees of wood, and loosing y* band beneath, they
conucy the water forth of the boate : and this they doe as
often US they haue occasion, witliout any perill or impedi-
ment at all.

Moreouer, the water of the monasterie, being of sulphurious
or brimstone nature, is conueyed into the lodginges of the
principall Friers by eertaine vessels of brasse, tinne, or stone,
80 hotte, that it heatcth the place as it were a stowc, not car-
rying with it any stinke or other noysome smell.

Besides this, they haue another eonueyanee to bring hot
water, with a wall vnder the ground, to the ende it should
not freese, vnto the middle of the court, where it falleth into
a great vessel of brasse, that standeth in the middle of a
boyling fountayne, and this is to heate their water to drinke,
and to water their gardens, and thus they haue from the hill
the greatest commodities that may be wished ; and so these
Fryers employ all their trauaile and studie for the most part
in trimming their gardins, and in making faire and beawti-
fuU buildings, and especially handsome and commodious ;
neyther are they destitute of ingenious and painefuU artificers
for the purpose, for they giue very large payment, and to
them that bring them fruites and seedes they are very boun-
tifuU, and giue they care not what, So that there is great
resort of workmen and maisters in diuers faculties, by reason
of the good gaines and large allowance that is there.

The most of them speake the Latin tongue, and especially

MoirrM BfifiA-

I to SCO

liii, and
fhctlicr,

And if
Boundc,
ac, as it

middle,
tlicy put
ido of it
th, tlicy
y doc as

impedi-

phurious
38 of the
or stonCj
, not car-

iring hot
should

eth into

die of a
drinke,
the hill

80 these

aost part
heawti-

Qodious ;

artificers
and to

ry houn-
is great

y reason

specially

the supcriours and principalis of the monustofi^ And this in J^'^ll'g
as muche as is knowen of I'pgrouolande, which is all by the J^',',"{^,ni„„
relation of M. Nicolo, who niaketh also particulftr description 'iiiri''i',n'l*
of a riuer that he discoucrcd, as is lo be scene in the carde S'r the iwo
that I drewc. And in the ende, N. Nicolo, not being vscd
and acquainted with these cruell coldes, fell sicko, and a
little while after returned into Frislandc, where he dyed. lie
left behinde him in Venice two sonncs, M. Oiouanni and M.
Toma, who had two sonnes, M. Nicolo, the father of the
famous Cardinal Zeno and M. Pietro, of whom descended the
other Zenos that arc lining at this day.

Now M. Nicolo being dead, M. Antonio succeeded him, n, zmo
both in his goods and in his dignities and honour, and albeit iu!de?
he attempted diuers wayes, and made greate supplication, hee
coulde ueuer obtaine licence to returne into his Countrey,
for Zichmni had determined to make himsclfe Lorde of the
sea. Wherefore, vsing alwayes the counsaile and seruice of
M. Antonio, hee sent hym with some small barkes to the
Westwardes, for that towardes those partes some of his fish-
ermen had discouered certaine Ilandes verye rich and popu-
lous ; which discoucrie, M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother
M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this manner,
sauing that wee haue chaunged some olde woordes, leaning
the matter entire as it was.

Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure Fisher (£«? m. a^
boates, the whiche a mightie tempest arising, were tossed for Frltiinde °'
the space of manye dayes verye desperately vpon the Sea, brother in

, Venice,

when at length the tempeste ceassying, and the weather n»>ned Mas-
waxing fayre, they discouered an Ilande called Estotilande, Estoutand.

3 letter be-
ginnetb
from the

bro-

lying to the Westwardes aboue 1000 Miles from Frislaude,
vpon the whiche one of the boates was caste awaye, and sixe o Fisher
men that were in it were taken of the inhabitauntes, and
brought vnto a verye fayre and populous Citie, where the
kyng of the place sent for manye interpreters, but there was
none coulde bee founde that vnderstoode the language of the

THE DISCOUEIIIR OV

i!i;

FiBhprmen fishermen, excepte one that spako Latin, who was also cast
sitakTiotinf by chaunce vpon the same Ilando, who in the behalfe of the
kyng asked them what Countroymen they were, and so
vnderstanding theyr ease, rehearsed it vuto the King, who
sbteweres wiUed that they shoulde tarrie in the Countrey, wherefore,
Eauftuwide. they obeyinge his commaundement, for that they coulde not
One of the otherwise doe, dwelte fine yeeres in the Ilande, and learned
FrisUnd re- the language, and one of them was in diners partes of the
Estotiiande. Ilande, and reporteth that it is a vcrye riche Countrey,
Estctuande abounding with all the commodities of the worlde, and that
abounding it is little Icsse than Islande, but farre more fruitefull,

with al the ' '

ofThS°*^^* hauing in the middle thereof a verye hyghe mountayne, from
worlde. ^j^g whiche there riseth foure Biuers, that passe throughe the
whole Countrey.

The inhabitantes are very wittie people, and haue all the

artes and faculties as wee haue : and it is credible, that in

time past they haue had trafficke with our men, for he sayde

that he sawe latin bookes in the Kings library, whiche they

at this present doe not vnderstande, they haue a peculiar

language, and letters, or caracters, to themselues. They

Aboundance hauc miucs of all manner of mettals, but especially they

Trade from abouude With goldc. They haue their trade in Engroueland,

to^Enf^ue. from whencc they bring skins, and brimstone, and pitch :

brimstone, ' And he saith, that to y" southwards there is a great populous

and pitche. _ o r r

Gold, come, coutrey, very rich of gold. They sowe come, and make here
or ale, which is a kind of drinke that the north people doe
vse, as we do wine. They haue mightie great woods ; they
make their buildings with wals, and there are many cities
and castles. They build smal barkes, and haue sayling, but
they haue not the lodestone, nor know not the vse of the
copasse. Wherefore these fishers wore had in great estima-
tio, insomuch that the king sent them with 12 barkes to the
southwardes, to a countrey whiche tlicy call Drogio : but in
their voyage they had suche countrary weather, that they
thought all to haue perished in the sea, but yet escaping that

ale.

Many cities
and castles.

gio.

MOnUM BEOA.

[so cast
5 of the
and so
ng, who
lerefore,
aide not
learned
IS of the
ountrey,
md that
fuitefull,
ne, from
ughe the

B all the
I, that in
he sayde
iche they
peculiar
J. They
ally they
roueland,
id pitch :
populous
lake here
jople doe
ids; they
any cities
rling, hut
se of the
it estima-
tes to the
i: but in
hat they
ping that

cruell death, they fel into another more cruel. For they
were take in the countrey, and the most parte of them eaten
by the Sauagc people, which feede vpon mans fleshe, as the
sweetest meate in their iudgementcs that is.

But that fisher, with his fellowes, shewyng them the maner
of taking fishe with nettes, saued their liues : and woiQde
goe euery day a fishing to the sea and in fresh riuers, and
take great aboundance of fish, and giue it to the chiefe men
of the countrey, whereby hee got himselfe so great fauour,
that hee was very well beloued and honoured of euery one.

The fame of this man being spred abroad in the countrey,
there was a Lorde thereby that was verie desirous to haue
him with him, and to see how hee vsed his miraculous arte
of catching fishe, in so muche that he made warre with the
other Lorde, with whom hee was before, and in the ende pre-
uayling, for that hee was more mightie and a better warriour,
the fisherman was sent vnto him, with the rest of his com-
pany. And for the space of thirteene yeeres that hee dwelt
in those partes, he saith that he was sent in this order to
more than 25 Lordes, for they had continuall warre amongest
them selues, this Lorde with that Lord, and he with another,
onely to haue him to dwell with them ; so that wandring vp
and downe the Countrey, without any certayue abode in one
place, hee knewe almost all those partes. He saith that it
is a very great countrey, and, as it were, a newe world, the
people very rude and voyde of all goodnesse ; they goe all
naked, so that they are miserablie vexed with colde ; neyther
haue they the wit to couer their bodies w' beasts skins,
w' they take in huntinge ; they haue no kind of metal ; they
line by huting; they carie certain lances of wood, made sharp
at y* point ; they haue bowes, the stringes whereof are made
of beastes skinnes : They are a very fierce people, they make
cruell warres one with another, and eate one an other, they
haue gouernours and certayne lawes verye diuers amongest
themselues. But the farther to the Southwestwardes, the

The 6 fish-
erme' of
frisland
only saued
by shewing
the maner to
take fishe.

The rhiefest
of the 6 fish-
ers speeified
before bis
co'panions.

In the space
of 13 yeres
in Urogio.

Sent to more
then 35
lords, which
continually
warred
amongst
the selues
for the some
fisherman.

THE DISCOUERIE OF

'f\'

i. '. <'

more ciuility there is, the ayre being somewhat temperat, so
that there they haue Cities and temples to Idolls, wherein
they sacrifice men, and afterwardes eate them ; they haue
there some knowledge and vse of gold and siluer.

Nowe this fisher hauing dwelt so many yeeres in those
countreys, purposed, if it were possible, to returne home into
his countrey, but his companions dispayring euer to see it
agayne, let him goe in Gods name, they kept them selues
where they were. Wherefore hee bidding them farewel,
fledde through the woods towardes Drogio, and was verie
well receiued of the Lorde that dwelt next to that place, who
knewe him, and was a great enemie of the other Lorde, and
so running from one Lorde to an other, being those by who
hee had passed before, after long time and many trauelles,
he came at length to Drogio, where hee dwelt three yeeres.
When as by good fortune he heard by y*" inhabitants y' there
ed certliie' '^^^^ ccrtainc boates arriued upon y* coast, wherefore, en-
Est^tiiMT tring into good hope to accoplish his intent, he went to y® sea
side, and asking the of what countrey they were, they
answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and
interorewr Tequcstcd that they woulde take him into them, wliiche they
tba/ariued did vcryc willingly, and for that hee had the language of the
the boates o^ Countrey, and there was none of them that coulde speake it,

Estotilande, i i • <. , . .

they vsed mm for their interpreter.

Aftcrw&rd s

hee fre- And after that, hee frequented that trade with them, in

quentedthat

tt^emTii* ^^^^ sorte, that hee became verye riche, and so furnishing
ftatVe^he- ^^^ ^ barkc of his owne, hee returned into Frislande, where
ri*h!An7so hcc made reporte vnto this Lorde of that welthie Countrey.
hark of his And hcc is througlily credited, because of the Mariners

owne, and

F'"™*de^ who approoue many straunge thinges that hee reporteth to
reported^the ^^® ti*"^. Wherefore, this Lorde is resolued to sonde me
H^J^e'" " foorth with a fleete towardes those partes, and there are so
manye that desire to goe in the voyage for the noueltie and
milid^dto strangenesse of the thing, that I thinke we shall be very
tonio zeno stroHgly appointed, without any publike expence at all. And

3 yeres in
Drogio.

Where by

MORUM BEGA.

erat, so
wherein
By haue

n those
ime into
see it
a seines
farewel,
as verie
ace, who
rde, and

by wh5
rauelles,
B yeeres.

y' there
Ebre, en-
to y* sea
re, they
;lad, and
che they
re of the
peake it,

them, in
rnishing
e, where
(untrey.
Mariners
»rteth to

nde me
are so
iltie and

be very
■ill. And

this is the tenor of the letter, before mentioned, which I haue toJ^" **"

heere set downe to giue intelligence of an other voyage, that ^EstSSu'*''

M. Antonio made, being set out with many Barkes and men, ora letter.

notwithstanding hee was not captaine as hee had thought at

the first hee shoulde, for Zichmni went in his owne person :

and concerning this matter, I haue a letter in forme, as fol- 4 letter be-

"^ einnethft-o'

loweth. Our great preparation for the voyag of Estotiland, |^f*"j'^j,''
was begun in an vnluckie houre, for three dayes before our iSe^^Jkrio
departure, the fisherman died that shoulde haue been oiu* T^eXher.
guid : notwithstanding, this Lorde woulde not giue ouer the [Sat g^houid
enterprize, but in steade of the fisherman, tooke certayne guided in-
Marriners that returned out of the Ilande with him, and so certaine
making our naiugation to the Westwards, we discouered cer- Sk^lnlis
tayne Ilandes subiect to Frislande, and hauing passed cer- whichcame

' 1 b f with him

tayne shelues, we stayed at Ledouo for the space of 7 dayes [J^/^'*"""
to refreshe our selues, and furnish the fleete with necessarie
prouision. Departing from hence, we arriued the first of
July at the He of Ilofe, and for that the winde made for vs iJo^'. ^'*
wee stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the
maine sea there arose immediatly a cruell tempest, where-
with for eight dayes space wee were miserably vexed, not
knowing where wee were, and a great part of the Barkes
were cast away; afterwarde waxing faire wether, we gathered
vp the broken peeces of the Barkes that were lost, and sayl-
ing with a prosperous winde, wee discouered lande at West.
Wherefore, keeping our course directly vpon it, wee arriued his'fh?"t'<'iis-
in a very good and safe harborough, where wee sawe an infi-
nite companie of people readie in armes, come running very JJ^f^^^^^
furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the {J^'/e L"^
Ilande. Wherefore, Zichmni causing his men to make signes """**'
of peace vnto them, they sent tenne men vnto vs that coulde
speake tenne languages, but wee coulde vnderstande none An island
of them, except one that was of Island. He being brought ^«'"''«
before our Prince and asked what was the name of the Hand,
and what people inhabited it, and who gouerned it, answered.

coiii'ry of
the Hand
Icaria.

i i

THE DISCOUERIB OF

■' "!

m r.

loari*

Ilande. All
the kings yt
had raigned
in that Ila'd
were called
Icari, after
the name of
the first
king of vt
place: which
they say was
the Sonne of
Dedalus,
king of
Soots.

loarius
drowned.

Icarian Sea.

The people
of Icaria de-
sirous of the
Italian
tongue.

Hauing in
tliat Hand
10 men of
ten sundry
nations.

that the Hand was called Icaria, and that all the kinges that
had raigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the
first king of that place, which, as they say, was the sonne of
Dedalus, king of Scotland, who conquering that Hand, left
his sonne there for king, and left the those lawes that they
retain to this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle fur-
ther, in a great tempest that arose, was drowned; wherefore,
for a memoriall of his death, they call those Seas yet the
Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Hand, Icari j and for that
they were contented with that state which God had give
them, neither whold they alter one iote of their lawes and
customes, they would not receiue any straunger, wherefore
they requested our Prince that hee woulde not seeke to violate
their lawes, which they had receiued from that king of wor-
thie memorie, and obserued very duly to that present : which
if hee did attempt, it woulde redounde to his manifest destruc-
tion, they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life,
than to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes. Not-
withstanding, that wee should not thinke they did altogether
refuse the conuersation and trafficke with other men, they
tolde vs for conclusion, that they would willingly receiue one
of our men, and preferre him to be one of y^ chiefe amongest
them, only to learne my language the Italian tongue, and to
bee enformed of our maners and customes, as they had
alreadie receiued those other tenne of tenne sundrie nations,
that came vnto their Hand. To these things our Prince
answered nothing at all, but causing his men to seeke some
good harborough, hee made signes as though he would come
on lande, and sayling round about the Hand, hee espied at
length a harborough on the East side of the Ilande, where
he put in with all his Fleet, the mariners went on land to
take in wood and water, which they did with as great speede
as they coulde, doubting, least they shoulde be assaulted by
the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt
there abouts, making sigues vnto the other with fire and

MORUM BEOA.

ges that
3 of the
tonne of
ind, left
liat they
lyle fiir-
lerefore,
yet the
for that
lad give
wes and
herefore
;o violate
: of wor-
; : which
destruc-
;heir life,
s. Not-
itogether
len, they
eiue one
mongest
3, and to
ley had
nations.
Prince
Ice some
dd come
;spied at
e, where
land to
t speede
ilted by
.t dwelt
re and

smoke, put them seines presently in armea, and the other
comming to them, they came all running downe to the Sea
side vpon our men with bowes and arrowes and other wea-
pons, that many were slaine and diners sore wounded. And
we made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose,
for their rage encreased more and more, as though they had
fought for life and liuing. Wherefore, wee were forced to
depart, and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Hand,
being alwaies accompanied vpon the hil tops and the Sea
coast with an infinite multitude of armed men, and so dou- infinite
bling the Cape of the Hand towardes the North, wee found arm'^d men

or J inloaria.

many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten
daies we were in continual danger of loosing our whole
Fleete, but that it pleased God all that while to send vs very
faire weather. Wherefore, proceeding on till we came to
y® East cape, we sawe the inhabitaunts still on the hill tops
and by the Sea coast keepe with vs, and in making great out-
cries, and shooting at vs a farre of, they vttered their olde
spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore we determined to
stay in some safe harborough, and see if we might speak
once againe with the Islander, but our determination was
frustrate, for the people, more like vnto beastes than men,
stood continually in armes, w* intent to beat vs backe if we
should come on lande. Wherefore, Zichmni seeing hee
coulde not preuaile, and thought if hee shoulde haue per-
seuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals
would haue failed them, hee departed with a faire winde, and
sailed sixe dayes to the Westwards, but the winde chaung- pi^e'd°from
ing to the Southwest, and the Sea waxing rough, wee sayled 4 wiids.^^'^"'
dayes with the wind in the powpe, and at length discouering
land, wee were afraide to approch neere vnto it, being the \^°^
Sea growen, and we not knowing what lande it was, but God
prouided for vs, that the winde ceasing, there came a greate
calme. Wherefore, some of our companie rowing to land
with oares, retvirned and brought vs word to our great com-

THE DISCOUERIE OF

!!■•

100 Rood
souldiers
sent by
Zichmni to
search the
countrie
(which
countrie is
not named).

June.

The ayre so
te'perate
and sweete
as impossi-
ble to ex-
presse it.

Hauen
Trim.

Capo di
Trim.

The 100
souldiers
returned
which had
been

through the
Hand, re-
port what
they sawe
and found.

forte, that they had founde a very good Countrie, and a better
harborough, vpon which newes wee towed our ships and
smal Barkes to lande, and being entred into the harborough,
wee sawe a farre of a great mountaine y' cast forth smoke,
which gaue vs good hope that we shoulde finde some inha-
bitantes in y® Hand, neither would Zichmni rest, aliliough it
were a great way of, but send a 100 good souldiers to search
the Countrie, and bring report what people they were that
inhabited it; and in the meane time they tooke in wood and
water for the prouision of the Fleete, and catcht great store
of fishe and Sea foule, and founde such abundance of birdes
egges, that our men that were halfe famished were filled
withall. Whiles we were riding here, began the moneth of
June, at which time the ayre in the Hand was so temperate
and pleasant as is impossible to expresse; but when we coulde
see no people at all, wee suspected greatly that this pleasant
place was desolate and dishabited. We gaue name to the
hauen, calling it Trim, and the point that stretched out into
y* sea we called Capo di Trim. The 100 souldiers that were
sent foorth, eight dayes after returned, and brought worde
that they had been through the Ilande, and at the moun-
taine, and that the smoke was a natarall thing, proceeding
from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and
that there was a spring, from which issued a certaine matter
like pitch, which ran into the Sea, and that there aboutes
dwelt greate multitudes of people half wilde, hiding theselues
in caues of the grounde, of small stature, and very fearefuU,
for as soone as they sawe them, they fled into their holes ;
and that there was a great riuer and very good harborough.
Zichimni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a hol-
some and pure ayre, and a very fruitefull soyle, and fayre
riuers, with sundrie other commodities, fell into such liking
of the place, that he determined to inhabite it, and b"i'd
there a Citie. But his people being weary and faint Aith
their long and tedious trauaile, began to tumult and mur-

MORUM BEOA.

a better
lips and
borough^
1 smokCj
ae inha-
lioiigh it
to search
rere that
rood and
eat store
af birdes
re filled
loneth of
emperate
ve coulde
pleasant
le to the
out into
hat were
ht worde
e moun-
oceeding
hill, and
e matter
aboutes
heselues
earefull,
J holes;
)orough.
id a hol-
d fayre
;h liking
id b"iM
int iVith
id mur-

mure, saying, that they would returne into their Countrie, f^^^^^ '\"o
for that the winter was at hand, and if they cntred into the H^^ew li\a-
harborough, they should not be able to come out againe E kept
before the next Sommer. Wherefore, hee retaining only the imrkes with

ourcs, and

Barkes with Oares, and such as were willing to stay with "•«' thnt
him, sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe, and j^^^^^'^J**"'
willed that I (though vnwilling) should bee their Captaine. w"?(u''°ApI
I therefore departing, say led for the space of twentie dayes to'ni'o'"zeno

ohicfo cap-
to the Estwards without sight of any land, then turning my »"'"« »'■

course towardes Southeast, in fine dayes I discouered lande, Antonio

and founde my selfe vpon the He of Neome, and knowing ^ight ot^Ne-

the Countrie, I perceiued I was past Islande : Wherefore, knewe"iim-

selfe past

taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants, being is'anJ- .
subiect to Zichmni, I say led with a faire winde in three dayes * '*"«'"■
to Frisland, where the people, who thought they had lost
their Prince, because of his long absence, in this our voyage,
receiued vs very ioyfully.

What followed after this letter, I know not but by coniec- Apeeceofa

K letter

ture, which I gather out of a peece of an other letter, which
I will set downe heere vnderneath : That Zichmni builte a
towne in the porte of the Hand that hee discouered, and that
hee searched the Countrie very diligently and discouered it
all, and also the riuers on both sides of Engroueland, for
that I see it particularly described in the Sea card, but the
discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the letter Beginning
is thus. Concerning those things that you desire to knowe
of mee, as of the men and their manners and customes, of
the beastes, and the Countries adioyning, I haue made thereof
a particular booke, which, by God's helpe, I will bring with
mee : Wherein I haue described the countrie, the monstrous
fishes, y® customes and lawes of Frisland, Island, Estland,
the kingdome of Norway, Estotiland, Drogio, and in the end,
the life of Master Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the
discouerie which he made, and of Groland. I haue also
written the life and acts of Zichmni, a Prince as worthie of

\'^

IK)

TIIK DIHCOiriOllIK OV MORUM HKOA.

■H'.r' '''

iininortiill incMiiory as any that (Miur liuod, for his f^rcat valU
mw'w and sin^nlcr hiunanitio, wlioruiii I hatio dcHcriluul tlio
disroucric of Kn(<;roii(<laiid on both Hides, and tho Citio that
licti hiiihhMl. Therefore, 1 will Hpvoko no furtlier hereof in
this hotter, hoping to he with you very Hhortly, and to satisiiu
yon in snnihie other thinfjes by wordo of mouth. All these
letters were written by master Antonio to master Carh), his
brother. And it f^nnMU'th nw, that thu booke and diners
otiun' \vritin<;(vs eoneernin^ these purposes, are miserably lost :
For 1 beeing bnt a ehild when tboy came to my hands, and
not knowinj; what they were (as the manner of children is),
1 tore them, and rent them in pecces, which now I cannot
call to remend)rance but to my grccf. Notwithstanding that
the nuMuory of so many good thingos shouldu not bee lost ;
whatsoeuer I coidd get of this matter, I haue disposed and
put in order, in the former discourse, to the cndu that this
age might bee partly satisfied, to y* which we are more be-
holden for the great discouerics made in those partes, then
to any other of the time past, bccing most studious of tho
relations of the discouerics of strange Countries made by the
great mindcs and industry of our auncctoiu's.

This discourse was collected by Ramusio, Seerctarie to the
state of Venice (or by the Printer, Tho. (liunti).

John Baptista Ranuisio died iu Padua, in July 1557.'

' Tho first time that this account appears in Rarausio's Golloctiun, is
in the edition of the second volume published in 1C74, seventeen years
after the death of Ramusio : and it is not probable that he would himself
have selected for publication a " discourse" like that of tho Zeni, which
bears upon it the evident impress of fabrication. What shore Tommaso
Giunti had iu this edition, beyond printing it, and prefixing a preface, is
not known.

The object of the Ilaklujt Society is to extend the knowledge of tho
bold and energetic and successful efforts of early discoverers, not to bring
prominently forwivrd clumsy compilations and absurd fictions. For this
reason, no attempt has been made to distinguish by annotation the pro-
bably true from the ccrtuinly false iu the above narrative.

of tho
bring
'or this
ho pro-

TlIK TIUIEANl) LAST DTSCOIJKRIK Ol'^ FLORIDA,

iiiadi! by Ciiptuin John Jlihaiilt iti the yiuM'o 1 TtdU.

Dudiciilod to II |^rt)iit iiohlo inmi u( KriiiiiKM),' luid

triinHliitcd into Knglisho l)y ono ThoiniiH llacklt.

WiCKRK as in tlio ycciro of our Lordc (Jod 15(12, it plciiscd
God to mono your honour to chooHc and apimint vs to dis-
couer and view a certainc h)n^ coast of the West Iiulia, from
tlic licad of tho hin(k; called Laflorida, dravvin}^ towardc tho
North part, vnto the head of Britons,''' distant from the saidc
head of Lalloridn 9()0 leaj^ues or there about: to the ende weo
might ccrtifie you and make true report of the temperature,
fertilitie, Portes, Ilaiicns, Riuers, and generally of all tlic
commodities that bee scene nud found in that luude, and also
to Icarnc what people were there dwelling, which thing you
haue long time agoe desired, booing stirred thcrovnto by this
zeale : That Frauucc might one day through newc discoucries
haue knowledge of strange Countries, and also thereof to
recciuc (by mcanes of continuall trafficke) riche aiul inesti-
mable commodities, as other nations haue done, by taking in
hand such farrc nauigations, both to tho honor arul prowos of
their kings and i)rinocs, and also to the cncrease of great
profite aiul vse to their common woalthos, countries, and
dominions, which is most of all, Av'out copariso, to he consi-
dered and esteemed. It soemoth well y* yeo haue boon stirred
hereunto euen of God aboue, and led to it by the hope and
desire you haue that a number of brutishc people and igno-

' Gaspard do Ooligny, adiniial of France, an earnest promoter of the
attempts made to establish colonies in America, which he regarded as
tho future asylum for tho French Protestants.

3 Cape Breton, in lat. 4(! N.

TIIK DISl.'OL'KltlK or

li 'I I

IB'

SilMistiim
Uubutii.

John Vu
rarzn'.

riuit of Jesus Cliristc, may by l»is <;jriicc come to some know-
leil};v of Ilia holy Liiwcs and Ordiuaunccs. So tlicrcfore it
secmcth that it hath pleased (lod by his godly pvoiiidencc to
reseriie the care which hee hath had of their saluntiou vutill
this time, and Mill bring them to our faith at the time by
hiniselfe alone foresecne and ovdeined. For if it were need-
l"ull to shcwe howc many from time to time haue gone about
to findc out this great laudc and to inhabitc there, who neuer-
thelessc haue alwaies failed, and beene put by from their
intention and purpose : some by fearc of shipwraekes, and
some by great windes and tempestes, that drone thom backe,
to their merueilous griefe. Of the which there was one, a
very famous stranger named Sebastian Gabota, an oicccllent
Pylot, sent thither by king Henry the yeere 1498, and many
others, who neuer could attaine to any habitation, nor take
possession thereof one only foote of grounde, nor yet approclie
or enter into these parties and faire riuers, into the which
God hath brought vs. AVherefore (my Lorde) it may bee
well saide, that the lining God hath rcserued this great lande
for your poore seruantcs and subiecte >, as well to the ende
they might bee made great ouer this poore people and rude
nation, as also to approue the former affection which our
kings haue had vnto this discouerie.

For y* late king Frances the first (of happie memorie), a
Prince endued with excellent vertues, the yeere 1524 sent a
famous and notable man, a Florentine, named Master John
A'erarzan,' to search and discoucr the West parts as farre as
might be : Who, departing from Deepe'^ with two vessels little
differing from the making and burden of these two Pinnaces
of the kinges which your honour hath ordeined for this pre-
sent nauigation. In the which land they haue found the
cleuation [of] the Pole, an viii degrees.^ The Countrie (as he

1 Giovanni Verazzani. — See ante, p. 65. 2 Dieppe.

^ We have no account of any of the voyages of Verazzani, but the first
ill 1524 ; and it does not appear that on thin occabiou he penetrated fur-

TMIIH.V KUHKIU.

one, a

writcth) goodly, fruitful I, luul so good tcmpomturo, that it is
not possible to liaue a better : beciug * iien us yet of no ma
seen nor disecrncd. But they not being a1)le to bring to
passe at this first voyage that Avhich lie had intended, nor to
arriue in any Port, by reason of sundrie incouenienccs
(whieh comoly happc) were costrained to return into Fnuinee:
wherCj after his arriuall, he ncner ceassed to make suite vntill
he was sent tliither ngaine, where at last he died.' The which
occasion ga\ie small courage to sende thither ag>iyne, and
was the cause that this laudable enterprise was left of, vntill
the yeerc 1534, at whieh time his Maiestie (desiring ahvayes
to enlarge his kingdomc, countreys, and dominions, and the
aduaiincing the case of his subiectes) sent thitlier a Filote of
S. Mallowes, a Briton named James Cartier, well scene in ",\'™'^'' ^'""
the art and knowledge of Nanigation, and especially of the
North parts, commonly called the new land, led by some
hope to find passage that waies to the south seas : Who, being

thor south than about twonty-cight degrees. The eight degrees mcu-
tioned in the text, may be a mistake for twenty-eight : wo cannot under-
stand it in any other manner.

^ The time and manner of Vorazzani's death is not known. In the
introduction to his voyage in 1524, published in the third volume of
Ilfimusio (p. 417 b.), the following passage occurs : — " In the last voyage
which he made, having landed together with some of his companions,
they were all killed by the natives, and roasted and eaten in the presence
of those who remained on board the ships." Mr. Biddle, in the Memoirs
of Ciihot, p, 278, contends, that ho was the Piedmontese pilot who accom-
panied an English vessel on a voyage of discovery to the north in 1527,
and having ventured on shore at Newfoundland, was killed by the natives.
There are two objections to this theory : one, that Verazzani was a Flo-
rentine, and not a Piedmontese ; and the other, that Annibale Caro, in a
letter dated ten years afterwards, — viz., on the 13th of October 1537, —
addresses himself to one " Verrazzano, a seeker of new worlds and of
their marvels", and says : " We have passed no lands that have not been
discovered cither by yourself or by your brother." {Letters Familiari,
page 7. Edit. 1610.) We think that it is proper to lay these facts
before the reader, but cannot pretend to draw any conclusion from them.
— See Tiraboschi, Sloria della Lettemtimi Ttaliami, torn, vii, page 383.
Edit. 1824.

TIIK DIsrOUKUlK OK

not ublc at his first going to bring iiny thing to passe that ho
prctCdcd to do, was sent thither againo the yeerc following,
and likewise Lc sire Ilemerall ;' and as it is well knowcn
they did inhabite and builde, and plant the kings armies in
the North part, a good way in the lande, as far as Tauadu and
Ochisaon.^ Wherefore (my Lord) trust iustly that a thing
so commendable, and vorthie to bee with good courage
attempted, that God woulde guid and keepe vs, desiring
alwaycs to fulfill your commaundement. When wee had done
your buainessc, and made our preparations the xvin day of
Februarie 15G2, through the fauour of God wee departed with
our two vessels out of the hauen of Clauc de Grace' into the
road Caur :* and the next day hoysted vp saile (the winde
being in y^ East), which lasted so fine daies, that ree coulde
not arriue at the nauch,* that is from betweene the coast of
Briton" and Englandc and the lies of Surlinos^ and Wiskam:^
So that the Winde blowing with great fury and tempest out
of the West and West Southwest, altogether contrary to our
way and course, and all that we could doe was to none effeete,
besides the great daunger of breaking of our Mastes, as also
to be hindered in our other labours. Wherefore as well to
shonnc many other inconueniences which might follow to the
preiudice and breach of our voyage, hauing regard also to
the likely daunger of death, y' some of our gentlemen and

' The person here meant must be Francois de la Roche, sieur de
Roberval, who was appointed governor of Canada by Francis I, in 1540,
and sailed for America with emigrants in 1<542.

2 The English edition of Ribault's voyage, which Hakluyt has here
reproduced, is disfigured by several gross inaccuracies, prarticularly in the
proper names. The French original is not known to exist, and it is
doubtful if it was ever printed. Probably, this translation was made from
the manuscript, and hence the extraordinary mis-readings we shall have
to correct in the course of our remarks upon this voyage. The two
names, Tavidu and Ochisaon, must be Canada and Hochelaga, to which
latter district Carticr gave the name of Montreal.

8 Havre de Grace. ^ Brittany.

* Caux. 7 The Scilly Islands.

5 The Mauchc, or English Channel. ^ Ushant.

TKRRA FLOniDA.

sieur de
in 1540,

souldiors being troubled with feucrs and whot sicknosscH,
might Iwuje fallen into; as also for other consideratiouH wee
thought gdil to fall into the roa<l of Hrest, in Britaine, to
SCO there tmr sick folke on land, and .sufler the tempest to
passe. From whence (after wee luid taried there two dayes)
wee returned againc to Scawarde to followc our nauigation j
80 that (my Lorde) albeit the windc was for a long season
very much against vs, and troublesome, yet at the cnde ((J od
gluing T8, through his grace and accustomed goodnesse, a
mcctely fauourable winde), I determined with all diligence
to proue a newe course which hath not bccne yet attempted:
trauersing the Seas of Oction' 1800 Leagues at the least,
whiche in deed is the true and short course, that hereafter
must be kept to the honour of our nation, reiccting the old con-
serued opinion, which so long time hath beeue holdeu as true.
Which is, as it was thought a thing impossible to haue the
winde at East, Northeast, and keepe the race and course w ec
enterprised, but that we shoulde be driueu towarde the region
of Affrica, the lies of Canaria, Madera, and other landes there
aboutes. And the cause why wee haue beene tlie more pro-
uoked and assured to take this new race, hath bin because
that it seemed to euery one that wc might not passe nor goe
in this Nauigation without the sight and touching of the
Antillies and Lucaries,' and there soiourne and take fresh
waters and other necessaries, as the Spaniards doe in their
voyage to new spaine; wherof (thanked be God) we haue
had no neede, nor entered the chanell of Roham :' which hath

' Seas of Oction. The first edition of this narrative, printed in 15G3,
has Octirtn. Wo presume that what is here rendered "the seas of Oction",
was in the French original either " Les mers d'occiilent", meaning the
Western or Atlantic Ocean ; or " La mcr occane", the main ocean : and
that the translator, being unable to read the manuscript before him, made
a word for the occasion.

2 Antillies — The Caribbee Islands ; Lucaries— The Lucayes, or Bahama
Islands.

8 Roham — This must be a mis-reading for Bahama ; the passage referred
to being through the old Bahama Channel and the Gulf of Florida.

'riiK i>is('(»i(',iMi', or

fc}

W-

bin thought impo8sil)lc. ForcHocitig also that it was not
expedient for vs to passe throuf^h the Ilandes, as wel to shune
many inconuenienccs that might happen in passing that way
(wherof springeth uotliing but inniunerable quarrels, plead-
ings, cofusions, and breaeli of al worthy enterprises and
goodly nauigations, whereof eiiHUCtli complaintes and odious
questions betweene the subicetuH of the king and his friends
and alies) as also to the ende tlw.y might vnderstand that, in
the time to come (God hauiug Hluiwed v» such graces, as these
his wonderfull benefitcs lirste shewed to the poore people of
this so goodly newe framing' people, of so gentle a nature,
and a countrey so pleasant and fruitefull, lacking nothing at
all that may sceme necessarie for mans food), we would not
haue to doc with their Ilandes Jind other lundes, which (for
that they first discouered them) they kccpc with much ielousie :
trusting that if God will suffer the king (through your per-
swation) to cause some part of this incomparable countrey to
be peopled and inhabited with Huch a immber of his poore
subiectes as you shall thiukc good, there neuer happened in
the memory of man so great and good commoditie to France
as this j and (my Lorde) for many causes, whereof a man is
neuer able to say or write to the ftil, as vnder the assured
hope that we banc alwayes had iu executing vprightly that
which I had reeciued in charge of yon, God Avoulde blesse
our wayes and nauigations. After we had constantly and
with diligence, in time couueuicuit, d(!tcrmincd itpon the way,
wee shoulde haue thought it noyHonu; and tedious to all our
companie if it had before l)in kuowc vnto any without tourn-
ing or wauering to or fro from tlunr first cntentio. And not-
withstanding that satan did often what he could to sowe
many obstractes, troubles, and Icttes, according to his accus-
tomed subtilties, so it is come to paisHO that God, by his onely
-oodnes, hath giuen vs grace to make the furthest arte and

^ There is, most probably, a minttiko hoi'u i but wo are unable to sug-
gest au explanation of it.

x~^-l)

TERRA FLORIDA.

to BUg-

trauars of the seas, that euer was made in our memorie or
knowledge, in longitude from the East to the West :' and
therefore was it commonly sayde both in Fraunce and Spaine,
and also among vs, that it was impossible for vs safely to
arriue thither, whither the Lord did conduct vs. Al which
perswaded but of ignoraunce and lacke of attempting : which
wee haue not bin afrayde to giue aduenture to prooue. Albeit
that all Mariners Gardes doe set the Coastes with shipwrackes,
without portes or Riuers : which wee haue found otherwise,
as it follow eth.

Thursday the last of Aprill, at the breake of the day, wee
discouered and clearely perceyued a fayre Coast, stretchyng
of a great length, couered with an infinite number of high
and fayre trees, wee being not past 7 or 8 leagues from the
shore, the conn trey seeming vnto vs plaine, without anye
shewe of hils, and approching neerer, within foure or fine
leagues of the land, we cast an ancker at ten fadome water,
the bottome of the Sea being plaine with muche Ocias,* and
fast holde on the South side, as farre as a certaine point or
Cape situate vnder that Latitude of nine and twentie degrees
and a halfe, which we haue named Cape Francois.'

Wee could espie neither Riuer nor Bay, wherefore wee
sent our Boates, furnished with men of experience, to sounde
and knowe the coast neere the shore : who returning to vs
about one of the clock at after noone, declared that they had
founde, among other thinges, viii fadome of water at the
harde bancke of the sea. Whercvpon hauing diligently wayed
vp our Anckers, and hoysted vp our sayles with wind at will,

1 See, however, the relation of Giovanni Verazzani {ante, page 56), who
also crossed the Atlantic without touching at any of the West Indian
Islands.

2 Ocias — Another blunder; perhaps for the word osiers.

3 The nearest cape to the latitude 29^ is Cape Canaveral, which is
situate in latitude 28° 16' 60". " Under that latitude", we are inclined
to conjecture, means to the south of the latitude of the spot where they
cast anchor.

i't

THE DISCOUEIIIE OF

we sayled mnd vewed the coast all along with vnspeakahle
pleasure, of the odorous smell and beawtie of the same. And
because there appeared vnto vs no signe of any Porte, about
the setting of the sunne we cast ancker againe : which done,
we did behold to and fro the goodly order of the woods,
wherewith God hath decked euery way the sayd land. Then
perceiuing towarde the North, a leaping and a breaking of
the water, as a streame falling out of the lande into the Sea.
For the whiche Avee set vp sayles againe, to double the same
while it was yet day. And as wee had so done, and passed
beyond it, there appeared vnto vs a fayre entrie of a faire
riuer, which caused vs to cast Ancker agayne there nerer the
land : to the end the next day we might see what it was, and
though that the winde blew for a time vehemently to the
shoreward : yet the hold and Anckerrage was so good, that
one cable and one Ancker helde vs fast with out danger or
sliding.

The next day, in the morning, being the first of May, wee
assayed to enter this Porte with two newe barges and a boate
well trimmed, finding little water barges whiche might haue
astonied and caused vs to returne backe to shipborde, if God
had not speedily brought vs in. Where finding 36 fadome
water, entred into a goodly and great riuer,' which as we
went founde to encrease still in depth and largenesse, boyl-
ing and roaring through the multitude of all kind of fish.
This being entred, wee perceiued a great number of y^ In-
dians, inhabitants there, comming along the sandes and Sea
bankcs, comming neare vnto vs, without any taking of feare
or doubt, shewing vnto vs the easiest landing place : and
thereupon, we giuing them also on our parts thanks of assu-
rance and friendlinesse. Forthwith, one of appearance out
of the best among them, brother vnto one of their kinges or

1 This was, most probably, St. John's river ; there is no other near
the locality pointed out in the text that corresponds with the author's
description.

peakable
he. And
te, about
ch done,
B woods,
d. Then
aking of
the Sea.
bhe same
d passed
)f a faire
nerer the
was, and
[y to the
ood, that
langer or

Vlay, wee
id a boate
ght haue
le, if God

fadome
ch as we
3se, boyl-

of fish,
of y^ In-

and Sea

of feare
ice : and

of assu-
ance out
cinges or

Dther near
le author's

TEllRA FLORIDA.

gouernours, commaunded one of the Indians to enter into
the water, and to approach our boats, to show vs the coastes
landing place. We seeing tliis (without any more doubting
or difficultie), landed, and the messenger (after we had re-
warded him with some looking-glasse, and other pretie things
of small value) ran incontinently toAvard his Lord : who forth-
with sent mee his girdle, in token of assurance and friend-
ship, which girdle was made of red leather, as well coucred
and coloured as was possible : and as I began to go towards
him, hee set foorth and came and receiued me gently, and
reised after his manner, all his men following with great si-
lence and modestie : yea, mo/e then our men did. And after
we had awhile with gentle vsage congratulated with him, we
fell to the ground a little way from them, to call upon the
name of God, and to beseech Him to cotinue still His good-
nesse towards vs, and bring to the knowledge of our Saviour
Christ tliis poore people. While wee were thus praying (they
sitting vpou the grounde, which was strawed and dressed with
Bay bowes), behelde and hearkened vnto vs very attentiuely,
without either speaking or mouing : and as I made a signe
vnto their king, lifting v^p mine arm, and stretching foorth
one finger, only to make thv.m looke vp to heauen ward : He
likewise lifting vp his arme towards heauen, put foorth two
fingers, whereby it seemed that he made vs to vnderstande
that they worshippid the Sunne and ye moone for Gods : as
afterwardes wee vnderstoode it so. In the meane time, their
numbers increased, and thither came the kings brother that
was first with vs, their mother, wiues, sisters, and children,
and being thus assembled, they caused a great number of
Bay boughes to bee cut, and therewith a place to be dressed
for vs, distant from theirs two fadom. For it is their manor
to talke and bargaine sitting : and the chiefe of them to bee
apart from the meaner sort, with a shewe of great obedience
to their kinges, superiours, and elders. They bee all i.'vked,

100

THE DISCOUERIE OF

;

and of a goodly stature, mightie, and as well shapen and
proportioned of body, as any people in y° world : very gentle,
eurteous, and of a good nature.

The most part of them couer their raines and priuities with
faire Harts skinnes, painted most commonly with sundrie
colours : and the fore part of their body and armes bee painted
with pretie deuised workes, of Azure, red and blacke, so well
and so properly, as the best Painter of Europe coulde not
amende it. The women haue their bodies painted with a
certaine Herbc like vnto Mosse, whereof the Cedar trees, and
all other trees, bee alwayes couered. The men for pleasure
doe alwayes trimme them selues therwith, after sundrie
fashions : They bee of tauny colour, hauke nosed, and of a
pleasant countenance. The women be well fauoured, and
will not suffer one dishonestly to approch too neare them.
But wee were not in their houses, for we sawe none at that
time.

After we had taried in this North side of the riuer the
jify^y „,g most part of the day (which riuer wee haue called May for
Ma*y was so that wcc discoucrcd the same the firste day of the Moneth)
wee congratulated, made aliaunce, and entred into amitie
with them, and presented the king and his brethren with
Gownes of blewe cloth garnished with yellowe Flouredeluces.
And it seemed that they were sory for our departure : so that
the most part of them entred into the water vp to the uecke,
to set our boates aflote.

Putting into vs sundry kinde of fishes, which with mer-
ueilous speede they ranne to take in their packs made in the
water with great Reedes, so well and cunningly set togeather,
after the fashion of a Laberinth or Maze with so many
turnes and crookes, as it is impossible to do it without much
cunning and industrie.

But desiring to imploy the rest of the day on the other
side of this riuer, to viewe and know those Indians that wee

TERRA FLORIDA.

101

sawe there, we trauersed thither, and without any diffi-
cultie landed amongest them who receiued vs very gently and
with great humanitie : putting vs of their fruites, euen into
our boates, Mulberies, Raspis, and such other fruites as they
founde ready by the way.

Soone after this came thither the king with his brethren,
and others with bowes and arrowes in their handes, vsing
therewithall a goodly and a graue fashion, with their beha-
uiour right souldierlike, and as warlike boldnes as may be.
They were naked and painted as the other, their haire like-
wise long, and trussed vp (with a lace made of herbes) to the
top of their heads : but they had neither their wines nor
children in their companie. After we had a good while
louingly enterteined and presented them with like gifts of
habersher wares, cutting hookes and hatchets, and clothed
the king and his brethren with like robes, as we had giuen to
them on the other side : we entred and viewed the countrie
thereaboutes, which is the fairest, fruitfullest, and pleasantest
of al the world, abounding in hony, venison, wilde foule,
forests, woods of all sortes, Palme trees, Cypresse and Cedars,
Bayes y'' highest and greatest, with also the fayrest vines in
all the world, with grapes according, which without natural
art and without mans helpe or trimming will grow to toppes
of Okes and other trees that be of a wonderfuU greatnesse
and height. And the sight of the faire medowes is a pleasure
not able to l)e expressed with tongue : full of Hemes, Cur-
lues, Bitters, Mallards, Egrepths,' woodcocks and all other
kinde of small birds : with Harts, Hindes, Buckes, wilde
Swine, and all other kindes of wilde beastes, as we perceiued
well, both by their footing there, and also afterwardes in
other places, by their crie and roaring in the night.

Also, there be Conies and Hares : Silke wormes in mer-
ueilous number, a great deale fairer and better then be our
silk wormes. To bee short, it is a thing vnspeakable to

1 Egrets : beautiful birds, like herons, but white.

1 {

: I ^

102

THE DISCOUERIE OF

consider the thinges that bee seene there, and shalbe founde
more and more in this incomperable lande, which neuer yet
broken with plough yrons, bringeth forth al things accord-
ing to his first nature, wherewith the eternall God indued it.
About their houses they labour and till the grounde, sowing
their fieldes with a graine called Mahis, whereof they make
their meale : and in their Gardens they plant beanes, gourdes,
cucumbers. Citrons, peason, and many other fruits and rootea
vnknowen vnto vs. Their spades and mattocks be made of
Wood, so well and fitly as is possible: which they make with
certaine stones, oyster shelles, and muscles, wherewith also
they make their bowes and smal launces: and cut and polish
all sortes of wood that they imploye about their buildings and
necessarie vse : There groweth also many "Walnut trees,
Hasell trees, Cheritrees, very faire and great.

And generally wee haue seene thereof the same simples
and herbes that wee haue in Fraunce, and of the like good-
nesse, sauour, and taste. The people be very good archers,
and of great strength: Their bowe stringes are made of
Leather, and their arrowes of Reedes, which they doe head
with the teeth of fishes. As we now demaunded of them
concerning y^ land called Seuola,' whereof some haue written

1 The correct form of this name appears to be Sibola, or Cibola.
Sibola is the name of an Indian district, or province, situate on the river
Gila, and about one thousand miles north-west from Mexico. The
attention of the Spaniards was first directed towards it by a missionary
named Marcos de Ni(,'a, who, in the year 1539, penetrated into this at that
time unconquered region. On his return to Mexico, he gave such a glow-
ing description of the wealth and populousness of Sibola and its seven cities,
that an expedition was fitted out for the conquest of the country, under
the command of Rodrigo del Rio, the governor of New Biscay. The
result of this enterprise was far from justifying the representations of the
friar. The Spaniards became masters of the district at the expense of
considerable loss in men and horses, and of great suffering from cold and
starvation ; but the gold and precious stones they had been taught to
expect were nowhere to be found.— Lopez de Gomara, Hiit. Gen. de las
Indias (Anvers, 1554 ; fol. 272) ; Herrera, Hist, de las Indias (Dec. vr,
lib. vii, viii). See also the Maps of America by Ortelius and Mercator.

TEllllA FLORIDA.

103

Muy.

not to bee farre from thence, and to bee situate within the
lande, and toward the Sea called the South Sea. They
shewed vs by signes that which we vnderstood well enough, ^-i""/"^^
that they might goe thither with their Boates (by riucrs) in uSSiinlt'by
twentie dayes.' They that haue written of this kingdome rii.lr of ' '*
and towne of Seuola, and other townes and kingdomcs there
aboutes, say, that there is great aboundance of golde and
siluer, precious stones, and other great riches : and that the
people had their arrowes headed (in steede of yron) with
sharpe pointed Turquesses. Thus the night approching, it
was conuenient for vs to returne by day a ship-boorde.
Wee tooke leaue of them muche to their griefe, but more to
ours without comparison, for that wee had no meane to enter
the riuers with our shippe. And albeit, it was not their
custome eyther to eate or drinke from the Sunne rising till
his going downe : yet the king openly woulde needes drinke
with vs, praying vs verie gently to giue him the cuppe where-
out we had drunke : and so making him to vnderstande that
wee woulde see him againe the next day, we retired to our
shippes, which lay about sixe leagues from the hauen to
the sea.

The next day in the morning we returned to land againe,
accompanied with the Captaines, Gentlemen, and Souldiers,
and other of our small trope : carrying with vs a Pillour or
columne of harde stone, our kings armes graued therein, to
plant and set the same in the enteric of the Porte in some
high place, where it might bee easely scene, and being come
thither before the Indians were assembled, we espied on the
south syde of the Riuer a place very fitte for that purpose
vpon a little hill, compassed with Cypres, Bayes, Paulmes,
and other trees, with sweete smelling and pleasant shrubbes.

1 From the eastern shore of Florida to Sibola is about two thousand miles
in a direct line. There was, therefore, as little possibility of the journey,
if practicable at all, being accomplished in twenty days, as there was
probability that the Indians of Florida knew anything of the country in
question.

104

THE DISCOUBIIIB OF

Oolde, sil.
vcr, and
Clipper, in
Florida.

Turqucsses
and ahoiin.
dance of
pearles.

Marshes.

Pearles as
big as
acomes.

In the middle whereof we planted the first bound or limit of
hia Maiestie. This done^ perceiuing our first Indiana assem-
bled, not without some misliking of those on the South
parte, where we had set the limitte, who taried for vs in the
same place where they met with vs the day before, seeming
vnto vs that there is some enimitie betweene them and the
others. Rut when they perceyued our long tarying on this
side, they ran to see what we had done in that place, where
we landed first, and had set our limitte : which they vewed
a great while without touching it any way, or abassing, or
euer speaking to vs thereof at any time after. Howebeit, we
could skat depart, but as it were w' griefe of minde, fro this
our first alliance, they rowing vnto vs all along the riuer
from all parts, and presenting vs with some of their harts-
skins, painted and viipainted, meale, litle cakes, freshe water,
rootes like vnto Rinbabe,' which they haue in great estima-
tion, and make therof a potion of medicine: also they brought
little bagges of redde colours, and some small spices like
vnto Vire, perceyiiing among them selues fayre thinges
painted as it had bin with graine of scarlet, showing vnto vs
by signes that they had in the lande golde and siluer and
copper: whereof wee haue brought some. Also lead, like
vnto ours, wliich we shewed. Also turquesses and great
aboundance of pearles, whiche, as they declared vnto vs,
they tooke out of oysters, whereof there is taken euer along
the riuer side, and among the reedes, and in the marshes :
and so merueylous aboundance as is skant credible : and we
haue perceiued that there be as many and as faire pearles
found there as in any countrey of the worlde. For we sawe
a man of theirs, as we entered into our boates, that had a
pearle hanging at a coller of golde and siluer about his
necke, as great as an Acorne at y^ least. This man, as he
had taken fishe in one of their fishing packs, thereby brought
that same to our boates, and our men perceiuing the great-

' Most probably rhubarb.

TEIUIA PLOUinA.

105

nesse therof, one of them putting his finger toward it, tlic
man drewe backe, and woulde no more come neare the
boate : not for any feare that he liad that they wouUle haue
taken his Coller and Pearle from Iiim, for he wotild haue
giuen it them for a looking glasse or a knife :

But that hee doubted lest they Avoulde haue pulled him into
the boate, and so by foree haue caried him away. He was
one of the goodliest men of all the company. But for that
we had no leasure to tary any longer with them, the day
being well passed, whiche greened vs, for the commoditic and
great riches, whiche as wee vnderstoode and sawe, might bee
gotten there, desiring also to employ the rest of the day with
our seconde aliance, the Indians on the south side, as we
perceiued them the day before, which still taried looking for
vs : Wee passed the riuer to their shore, where as wee founde
them tarying for vs, quietly and in good order, with newe
paintings vpon their face, and feathers vpon their heads : the
King, with his Bowe and Arrowes lying by him, sate on the
grounde, strawed with boughes, betweene his two brethren,
whiche were goodly men and well shapen, and of a wonder-
full show of actiuities, hauing vpon their heades, one haire
trussed vpright of heyglit, of some kindc of wild beast,
gathered and wrought together with great cunning, wrethed
and fasted after the forme of a Diademe. One of them had
hanging about his necke a rounde plate of redde copper well
polished, with one other lesser of Siluer in the raiddest of it,
and at his eare a litle plate of Copper, wherewith they vse to
stripe the sweat from their bodies. They shewed vs that
there was great store of this mettell within the countrey,
about fine or sixe daies iourney from thence, both in the
southside and northside of the same riuers, and that they
went thither in their Boates.' Which Boates they make but

1 Copper is no longer named among the mineral productions of the
country. The statement in the text was most probably cither an exag-
geration on the part of the natives, or a misconception on the part of tho
French.

106

THK niSCOUERTK OK

Gcntlenes
must be
vsed to-
vrnrds them

of one piece of a tree, woorking it whole so cunningly and
featly, that they put in one of these boates fifteene or twentie
persons, and go their wayes very safely. They that rowe
stande vpright, hauing their ores short, after the fashion of
a Peele. Thus being among them, they presented vs with
meale dressed and baked, very good and wcl tasted, and of
good nourishmet, also beanes and fish, as crabbcs, lobstara,
creuises," and many other kinde of good fishes, shewing vs by
signes y' their dwellings were ,farre off, and if their prouision
had been neerc hande, they woulde hauc presented vs with
manye other refreshinges.

The night nowe approaching, we were faine to returne to
our Shippe, very much to our griefe : for that we durste not
hazarde to enter with our Shippe, by reason of a barrc of
sande, that was at the enteric of the Porte, howe be it, at a
full Sea there is two fadome and a halfe of water at the least,
and it is but a leape ouer a surge to passe this Barrc, not
passing the length of two cables, and then forthwith euery
where within sixe or seuen fadome water. So that it maketh
a very fayre hauen, and Shippes of a meane burden, from
fourescore to a hundred tunnes, may enter therein at all
floodcs, yea, of a farre greater burthen, if there were French
men dwelling there that might skoure the enterye, as they
doe in Fraunce : for there is nothing lacking for the lyfe of
man. The situation is vnder the eleuation of xxx degrees,
a good climate, healthfuU, and of a good temperature, mer-
\ieilous pleasat, y^ people good and of a good and amiable
nature, which willingly will obay : yea, be content to serue
those that shall with gentlenes and humanitie goe about to
allure them, as it is needful for those that be sent thither here-
after so to doe, and as I haue charged those that be left there
to do, to the ende they may aske and learne of the where
they take their gold, copper, and turquesses, and other things
yet vnknowen vnto vs ; by reason of the time we soioumed

' Ecrevisses : cray-fish, or lobsters.

TERRA FLORIDA.

107

ngly and
r twcntie
hnt rowc
ashion of
d vs with

d, and of
lobstars,
ing vs by
prouision
d vs with

eturnc to
lurstc not
barre of
be it, at a
the least,
3arre, not
ith euery
it raaketh
den, from
sin at all
re French

e, as they
he lyfe of
K. degrees,
ure, mer-
i amiable
t to serue

about to
ther here-
left there
the where
her things
soioumed

there. For if any rude or rigorous mcancs should be vsed
towards this people, they woulde flic hither and thither through
the Woods and Forests, and abandon their habitations and
countreys.

The next day being the thirde day of May, desiring alwaies
to finde out harbours to rest in, we set vp saile againe : And
after we had raungcd the coast as neere the shore as we could,
there appeared vnto vs, about seuen leagues of on this side of
y" riuer of May, a great opening or Bay of some riucr, whither
with one of our boatcs we rowed, and there found one entric
almost like y* of the riuer of May, and within the same as
great a depth, and as large a diuiding it selfe into many
great streamcs, great and broade stretchinges towardes the
high lande, with many other lesse, that diuide the countrey
into faire and great landes, and great number of small and
fayre Medowes. Being entrcd into them about three leagues,
wee found in a place very commodious, strong, and pleasant
of situation, certayne Indians, who receiued vs very gently :
Howe be it, we being somewhat neare their houses, it seemed
it was somewhat against their good willes that we went thither,
for at their cries and noyses they made their wiues and chil-
dren and hoshoulde stuffe to be caried into the Woods :
Howe be it they suflfered vs to goe into their houses, but
they themselues woulde not accompany vs thither. Their
houses bee made of Wood, fitly and close, set vpright and
couered with Reedes : the most part of them after the fashion
of a pauilion. But there was one house amongest the rest
verie long and broade, with settles rounde about made of
Reedes, trimly couched together, which serue them both for
beddes and seates, they be of height two foote from the
grounde, set vpon great rounde pillers, painted with red,
yelowe, and blewe, well and trimlie polished : some sorte of
this people perceiuing that we had in no maner wise hurted
their dwellings nor gardens, which they dressed very dili-
gently, they returned all vnto vs before our inbarking, seem-

108

riic DiscouKiiiii: ur

tlreut tvr-
lilltii'.

Nuto.

II ii

iug very well cuntented by their giuiug vnto vs water, fruitcs,
and Hart HkinueH. It is a place wonderfuU fertill, and of
strong dtuatid, the ground fat, so that it is likely that it
would bring forth Whcate and all other come twiso a yeere,
and the commodities for liuclihood and the hope of more
riches, bee like vnto those we found and considered vpon the
riuer of May : without comming into the sea, this arme doth
diuide, and makcth many other lies of May, as also many
other great Ilandes : by the which wee traucU from one
Ilande to another, betweenc laude and land. And it seemeth
that men may sayle without danger through al the countrey,
and ncucr enter into the great sen, which were a wonderfidl
aduantage.

This is the lande of Checere' whereof some haue written,
and which many haue gone about to find out, for y" great
riches they perceiued by some Indians to be founde there.
It is set vnder so good a climate, that none of our men,
(though wee were there in the hotest time of the yeere, the
sunne entring into Cancer), were troubled with any sicknesses.
The people there Hue long and in great health and strength,
80 that the aged men goe without staues, and are able to goc
and runne like the youngest of them, who onely are knowen
to be olde by the wrinckles in their face, and decay of sight.
Wee departed from them verie friendly, and with their con-
tentation. But the night ouertaking vs, we were constrayned
to lye in our ships all that night, till it was day, floting vpon
this riuer, which we have called Sene," because that the en-

' Checero, Chicora, or Chicoria, a province in Florida, probably the
locality afterwards called St. Helens, in South Carolina. — See Garcilasso
de la Vega, La Florida del Inca (page 4 ; Madrid, 1723; fol.) ; Cardenas,
Etisayo Cronologico para la llistoria General de la Florida (pages 4, 6,
etc. ; Madrid, 1723 ; fol.).

* This bay and river may be either Nassau Inlet and River, or Cum-
berland Sound and St. Mary's River ; most probably the latter, the
inland connexion between that and the St. John's River, which we con-
jcctuvc to be the vi\ or May, corresponding very closely with the descrip-
tion in the text.

nr, fruitcs,
11, and of
3ly that it
le a ycerc,
B of more
d vpon the
armc doth
nlHO many

from one
it sccmeth

countrey,
(vonderfiill

le written,

»r y great

inde there.

our men.

yeere,

the

jickncsses.
strength,
blc to goc
re knowen
y of sight,
their con-
tnstrayned
rting vpon
at the en-

>robably the

ie Garcilasso

) ; Cardenas,

(pages 4, 5,

rer, or Cum-
latter, the
uch wo con-
thc dcscrip-

TRRIIA KLOKIUA.

KM)

tcry of it is as broadc as from haucr degraco vnto Honoslenc.*
At the brcake of the day wee espied out of the South sydo
one of the fayrest, plcasauntcst, and greatest mcdowc grounde
that might be seene, into the which wee went, finding at the
very cntrio a long, faire, and great Lake, and an innumerable
number of footesteps of great Hartes and Hindes of a wonder-
full grcatncsse, the steppes being all fresh and new, and it
Hcemeth that the people doc nourish them like tame CattcU,
in great beards : for we saw the steppes of an Indian that
folowed them.

The Chanell and depth of this riucr of Seyne is one y* side
of the medowe that is in the He of May. Being returned to
our ships, we sayled to knowe more and more of this coast,
goying as neere the shore as we coulde. And as wee had
sayled about sixe or seuen leagues, there appeared vnto vs
another Bay, where we cast anker, and tarrying so all the
night, in the morning wee went thither, and finding (by our
sounding) at the entric many banks and beatings, we durst
not cuter there with our great ship, hauing named the riucr
Somme," which is 8, 9, 10, 11 fadome depth, diuiding itsclfe
into many great Hands, and small goodly medow grounds and
pastures, and euery where such abundance of fish as is in-
credible, and on the Weast Northwest side, there is a great
riuer that commeth fro the countrie of a great length oucr ;
and another on the Northeast side, which returue into the
Sea. So that (my Lord) it is a countrie full of luiucns, riuers,
and Hands of such fruitfulnes, as cannot with tongue be ex-
pressed ; and where in short time great and precious como-
dities might bee found. And besides this wee discoucred
and found also vii riuers more, as great and as good, cutting
and diuiding the land into faire aiu; great Hands. The In-
dians inhabitants there be like in ^nanuers, and the countrie

' IIonflouT.

s The river Somme appears to correspond most nearly with the river
St. Ilia and Jykill, or St. Andrew - Sound.

Tlic liiiii-
III' Hi'iii'.

llrai'ili'H III
IIUIIi' lllll'tri

Oooil till'
ucus anil
riuiTH.

7 Krcnt nnd
(,'iioii riuers.

110

THE DISCOUERIK OF

Maps and
Sea Gardes,

in fertillitie apt and commodious throughout, to beare and
bring foorth plentifully all that men would plant or sowe
vpon it. There bee cuery whore the highest and greatest
Firtrees y' can be scene, very well smelling, an<i where out
might bee gathered (with cutting the only barK) as mucn
Rosen, Turpentine, and FrSkusence, as men would desire.
And to be short there lackoth nothing. Wherefore being
not able to enter and lie with our great vessels there, we
could make no long abiding, nor enter so farre into the riuers
and countries as wee would faino haue done : for it is well
knowne how many inconuonionces haue happened vnto men,
not only in attempting of ncwo discoueries, biit also in all
places by leaiiing their great vessels in the Sea, farre from
the land, vnfurnished of the heads and best men. As for
yo other riuers we haue giueu them names as followeth ; and
vnto the Ilandes ioyniiig vnto them the same name that the
next fiuer vnto it hath, as you shall see by the portratures or
Gardes y* I haue made thereof. As to the fourth name of
Loire, to y fift Charnet, to y« sixt Caro, to the 7 riuer Belle,
■ to ye 8 riuer Graude, to the 9 port Royall, and to the tenth
Belle Virrir.^

Upon Whitsunday the xxvii day of May, after wee had
perceiued and considered that there was no remedie, but to
assay to find the meanos to harber our ships, as wel to amend
and trimme them, as to get vs fresh water, wood, and other
necessaries, whereof wee hauing opinion that there was no
fayrer or fitter place for the purpose then port Royall, and

1 The names of these rivers, as given by Laudunniere (VHistoire
Notable de la Floride, edited by Dasanior, Paris, 1686, fol. 10, 11), are
Loire, Charente, Garonne, Qirondo, Belle, Grande, and the last. Belle a
Yeoir. No indications are given in the text by which these seven rivers
can be distinguished at the present day. More than one writer has
offered conjectures on this point ; but as proof if impossible, we have
thought it unadvisable to follow their example. The same remark will
apply to the two rivers named rospootivoly, by Ribault, Libournc and Che-
nonccau. — See Holmes, Awwh of America, page fiCG, and the authorities
there cited.

TEUUA FLORIDA.

Ill

leare and
or sowe
greatest
rhere out
as muen
d desire,
ore being
bhere, we
the riuers
it is well
nto men,
Iso in all
arre from
, As for
reth ; and
that the
ratvu*es or
name of
uer Belle,
ihe tenth

wee had
ie, but to
to amend
md other
e was no
yall, and

[L'Histoire
0, 11), are
Bt, Belle a
even rivers
writer has
we have
emark will
e and Che-
authorities

when wee had sounded the entrie of the Chanell, (thanked
be God), wee entered safely therein with our shippes, against nmoJtTx""'
the opinion of many, finding the same one of the fayrest and haueu!
greatest Hauens of the worlde.

Howe be it, it must be remembred, least men approaching No .
neare it within seuen leagues of the lande, bee abashed and
afraide on the Eastside, drawing towarde the Southeast, the
grounde to be flatte, for neuerthelesse at a full sea, there is
euery where foure fadome water keeping the right Chanel.

In this part there are many riuers of meane bignesse and
large, where without daunger the greatest shippes of the
worlde might bee harboured, which wee founde no Indian
inhabiting there aboutes. The Porte and Riuers side is neerer
then tenne or twelue leages vpwardes into the countreys,
although it bee one of the goodliest, best, and fruitefullest
countreys that euer was scene, and where nothing lacketh,
and also where as good and likely commodities bee founde
as in other places thereby.

For we founde there a great number of Pepertrees, the Pepper.
Pepper yet greene and not ready to bee gathered : Also the
best water of the world, and so many sortes of fishes that yee
may take them without net or angle so many as ye will.
Also an innumerable sort of wildc foule of all sortes, and in
little Ilandes at the entrie of this hauen, on the East North-
east side, there is so great number of Egrepes that the bushes
bee all white and couered with them, so that one may take
of the yoimg ones with his hande as many as bee will carry
away. There bee also a number of other foules, as Hemes,
Bitters, Curlues. And to bee short, there is so many small
byrdes, that it is a strange thing to bee scene. Wee founde
the Indians there more doubtfull and fearefull then the others
before : Yet after we had been in their houses and congre-
gated with them, and shewed curtesie to those that we founde
to hauc abandoned there through boats meale, victual], and
small houssholde stufFe, and both in not taking awayc or

112

TTIK mSCOUEUIE OF

ili

A npecinl
note.

A c«m-
inanilemcnt

The riucr
lordan.

touching any part thereof, and in leaning in that place where
they dressed their meate, Kniues, Looking glasses, little
Beades of glasse, which they lone and esteeme aboue golde
and pearles, for to hang them at their eares and neck, and to
giue them to their wiues and children : they were somewhat .
emboldened.

For some of them came to our boates, of the which wee
carried two goodly and strong aboorde our shippes, clothing
and vsing them as gently as it was possible. But they ceased
not day nor nyght to lament, and at length they escaped
away. Wherefore albeit I was willing (according to your
J commaundement and memoriall) to bring away some of them
with vs, on the Princes behalfe and yours, I forbare to doe so
for many considerations and reasons that they told mee, and
for that we were in doubt that (leaning some of our men
there to inhabite) all the Countrie, men, women, and children,
woulde not haue ceased to pursue them for to haue theirs
againe: seeing they bee not able to consider and way to
what entent wee shoulde haue carried them away : and this
may bee better doone to their contentation, when they haue
better acquaintance of vs, and know that there is no suche
crueltie in vs as in other people and nations, of whom they
haue beene beguiled vuder colour of good faith : whiche doing
in the ende turned to the doers no good. This is tlie riuer
of Jordain' in mine opinion, whereof so much hath beene

1 It appears by a passage in Oarcilasso dc la Vega's Florida del Inca,
pages 3-4, that Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon and six others, fitted out two
vessels in San Domingo, about the year 1520, and sailed to the coast of
Florida, for the purpose of obtaining Indians to work in their gold mines.
The ships were driven by bad weather to a cape, " which they named
Saint Elena, because it was on that saint's day that they arrived there,
and into a river which they called Jordan, because the seamen who first
saw it so named it." The Jordan is, most probably, the Broad River in
South Carolina, as we find from Cardenas, Ensayo Cronologico, pagos 4-5,
and 44, that the province of Chicora, in which the Jordan is said to bo
situated, was afterwards called Saint Elena : " El rcino de Chicora que
dcspucs se llam6 Santa Elena," etc.

TERllA FLORIDA.

113

ce where
es, little
lue golde
k, and to
omewliat .

hich wee

clothing

ey ceased

f escaped

to your

e of them

to doe so

mee^ and

our men

children,

lue theirs

[1 way to
and this
^ hey haue
no suche
horn they
che doing
the riuer
ith beene

la del Inca,
ed out two
the coast of
gold mines,
hoy named
ivcd there,
m who first
id River in
, pages 4-5,
saifi to 1)0
hicora que

spoke, which is very faire, and the coutrie good both for
y" easie habitation, and also for many other things which
should bee long to write.

The twentie of May wee planted another columne or pillor
grauen with the kinges armes on the South side, in a high
place of the entrie of a great riuer, which wee called Libourne:
where there is a lake of fresh water very good, and on the
same side, a little lower towards the entrie of the Hauen, is
one of the fayrest fountaines that a man may drink of, which
falleth by violence down to the riuer from an high place out
of a red and sandy ground, and yet for all that fruitefuU and
of good ayre, where it shoulde seeme that the Indians haue
had some faire habitation.

There we sawe the fayrest nnd the greatest vines with
gi'apes according and young trees, and smal woods, very wel
iiiielling, that euer were seen: whereby it appeareth to be
; Le pleasantest and most commodious dwelling of al y^ world.
Wherefore (my Lorde) trusting you will not thinke it
amisse (considering the commodities that may be brought
thence) if we leaue a number of men there, which may foi'-
tifie and prouide themselues of things necessary : for in all
new discoueries it is the chiefest thing that may be done, at
the beginning to fortifie and people the countrey. I had not
so soone set forth this to our companie, but many of them
afFraid' to tary there, yet with such a good will and ioly
corage, that such a number did thus offer themselues as we
had much to do to stay their importunitie.

And namely of our shipmaisters and principall pilotes, and
such as we could not spare. How bee it, wee lefte there but
to the number of thirtie in all. Gentlemen, souldiers, and
marriners, and that at their own suit and prayer, and of their
owne free willes, and by the aduice and deliberation of the
Gentlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and yours.''

* AiTraid. This must be a misprint for offered.

'■' The state of affairs in France at the time of Ribault's return, pre-

Exceeding
I'nire an<l
great vines.

Fortifica-
tion most
necfssarie
in 111! new >:
discoueries.

30 lefte be-
hind lit their
owne suite.

114

THE DISCOUEllIE OF

Hand.

Fortie de.
grees of
eleuation

And haue left vnto the forehead and rulers (following
therein your good will) Captaiue Albert de la Pierria, a
souldier of long experience, and the first that from the begin-

They^forti- jjing did offer to tarry. And further by theyr aduice, choyce,
and will inskaled and fortified them in an Hand on the north
side, a place of strong situation and commodious, vpon a
riuer which wee named Chenonceau, and the habitation and
Fortresse Ch^rlefote.'

After we had instructed and duly admonished them of that
they shoulde doe (as well for their manor of proceeding, as
for the good and louing behauior of them) the xi day of the
moneth of June last past, we departed from port Royal :
minding yet to range and view the coast vntill the xl degrees of
the eleuation : But for as much as there came vpon vs trouble-
some and cloudie weather, very incommodious for our purpose,
and considering also amongst many other thinges, that we
had spent our cables and furniture thereof, which is the most
principall thing that longeth to them that go to discouer
countreys, where continually both night and day they must
lie at ancker : also our victualls beeing perished and spilte,
our lacke of Boateswaines to set forth our rowe barges and
leaue our vessels furnished. The declaration made vnto vs
of our Pilots and some others that had before been at some
of those places, where we purposed to sayle, and haue been
already found by some of the kings subjects, the daunger
also and inconueniences that might thereof happen vnto vs :

Mistes and and by reason of the great mystes and fogges wherof the

fORs when _ , , . -, 11 i

they come, scaso was already come, we percemed very well wheras we

vented any attention being directed towards this colony until 1564. The
colonists in the mean time had been obliged to abandon the country : the
circumstances which led to this resolution on their part, will be found
stated in the Introduction.

^ It is generally supposed, that Oharlesfort was constructed near the
site of the present town of Beaufort. Gharlesfort must not be con-
founded with Fort Carolin, erected by Laudonniere two years afterwards,
about two leagues from the mouth of the River May.

jllowing
ierria, a
le begin-
, choyce,
he north
, vpon a
ition and

n of that
eding, as
ay of the
t Royal :
legrees of
3 trouble-
[• purpose,
1, that we
the most
discouer
hey must
ad spilte,
irges and
e vnto vs
at some
laue been
daunger
vnto vs :
herof the
irheras we

TERRA FLORIDA.

115

were, y' we could do no good, and that it was to late, and
y^ good and fit season for to vndertake this thing already
past. All these thinges thus well considered and wayed, and
also for that we thought it meet and necessarie that your
honour should with diligence be aduertised (through the help
of God) to returne homewards to make relatio vnto you of
the effect of our nauigation. Praying God that it may please
him to keepe you in long health and prosperitie.

I'l ;■

« I

1564. The
ountry: the
ill be found

d near the
lot be con-
afterwaxds,

110

NOTES IN WRITING BESIDES MORE PRIUIE BY

Mouth that were giuen by a Gentleman, Anno 1580, to

M. Arthure Pette and to M. Charles Jackman, sent by

the Marchants of the Muscouie Companie for the

discouerie of the northeast strayto, not altogether

vnfit for some other enterprises of discouerie,

hereafter to bee taken in hande.

What respect of Ilandes is to be had, and why.

Whereas the Portingales haue in their course to their Indies
in the Southeast, certaine portes and fortificatios to thrust
into by the way, to diuers great purposes : So you are to see
what Hands and what portes you had neede to haue by the
way in your course, to the Northeast. For which cause I
wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to
note all the Hands, and to set them downe in plat,^ to two
endes, that is to say. That wee may deuise to take the bene-
fite by them. And also foresee how by the the Sauages or ciuill
Princes may in any sort anoy vs in our purposed trade that
way.

And for that the people to the which wee purpose in this
voyage to goe, be no Christians, it were good that the masse
of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition and
not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we
did seeke out some small Hand in the Scithian Sea,'' where
we might plant, Fortifie,and Staple safely, fro whece (as time
shoulde serue) wee might feede those heathen nations with

1 Plat ; i. e., a map or chart.

" That part of the Arctic Ocean which lies to l:.e east of Nova
Zembla.

UIE BY

[580, to

lieir Indies

s to thrust

L are to see

aue by the

ch cause I

;er, and to

at,^ to two

the bene-

esorciuill

trade that

se in this
;he masse
sition and
)d that we
ea,'* where
e (as time
tions with

,st of Nova

XOTES IN WUITIVO.

117

our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing
our hole masse in the bowels of their countrey.

And to whiche Ilande if neede were (and if we shoulde
thinke so good) we might allure the Northeast navie, the
nauie of Cambalu' to resort with their commodities to vs there
planted, and stapling there.

And if such an Hand might be found so standing as might
shorten our course, and so standing as that the Nauie of
Cabulu, or other those parties might coueniently saile vnto
w*out their dislike in respect of distace : the would it fal out
wel. For so besides lesse dauger, and more safetie, our ships
might there vnlade and lade againe, and returne the selfsame
sommer to the ports of England or of Norway.

And if such an Hand may be found for the stabling of our
commodities, to the which they of Cambalu would not saile,
yet we might, hauing shippes there, imy»loy them in passing
betweene Cambalu and that stapling place.

Respect of hauens and harbarowes.

And if no such Ilandes may be found in the Scithia sea
toward the firme of Asia, then you are to search out the
ports that be about Nona Sembla, all along the tract of that
land, to the end you may winter there the first yeere, if you
be let by contrarie winds, and to the ende that if wee may
in short time come vnto Cabalu, and vnlade and set saile

1 Cathay, as we have already explained (page 24), is the name which
was formerly given to the northern part of China, and Cambalu, Eanbalu,
or Ehau-balik, or Khan-baligh, the name given to its capital, is the
modem Pekin. It is an old Mongolian form, and means " the city of the
Lord"; or, in other words, the residence of the Khan. The name was in
use in the time of Marco Polo, who describes the city as situated towards
the north-eastern extremity of the province of Kataia, and says, that it
was the winter residence of the Khan : it also occurs as late as 1653, in
an account of the Russian embassy to China in that year. — Travels of
Marco Polo, Translated with notes, by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to,
page 300.

•li :'

118

NOTES IN WRITING.

againe for retume without ventering/ there at Cabalu^ that
you may on your way come as farre in retume as a port
about Nouasebia : That the Sommer following^ you may the
sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East
c5modities, and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners :
if you can not goe forward and backe in one selfe same
sommer.

And touching the tract of the land of Nona sembla^ toward
the East, out of the circle Artick, in the more temperate
zone, you are to haue regard, for if you finde the soyle planted
with people, it is like y^ in time an ample vet of our warm
wolle clothes may be founde. And if there be no people at
al there to be found, then you shall specially note what
plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there, to
the end wee may tume our newfoiid land fishing, or Island
fishing, or our whalefishing, y' way, for the ayde and c5fort
of our new trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia.

Respect of jSshe and certayne other thinges.

And if the ayre may be found vpon that tract temperate,
and the soyle yeelding wood, water, land, and grasse, and
the seas fish, then we may plant on the mayne the ofials of
our people, as the Fortingals doe in Brasil, and so they may
in our fishing in our passage, and diners wayes yeelde com-
moditie to England, by harbouring and vitelling of vs.

And it may be, that the inland there may yeelde mastes,
pitch, tarre, hempe, and all thinges for the Nauie, as plen-
tifully as Eastland' doth.

The ilandes to be noted with their commodities and wantes.

To note the Hands, whether they be hie lande or lowe
laud, moutanie or flat, sandy, grauelly, clay, chalchy, or of

^ i. e., wintering. ' Esthonia.

NOTES IN WRITING.

119

balu, that
as a port
I may the
jroiir East
Mariners :
elfe same

la, toward
temperate
le planted
our warm
people at
lote what
, there, to
or Island
ind cofort
f Asia.

lemperate,
rasse, and
le offals of
they may
elde com-
f vs.

le mastes,
;, as plen-

antes.

e or lowe
chy, or of

what soyle, wooddy or not wooddy, with springs and riuera,
or not, and what wyld beasts they haue in the same.

And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to
build withall, as stone, free or rough, and stone to make
lime withall, and wood or coale to bume the same withall.

To note the goodnes or the badnes of the hauens and har-
borowes in the Ilandes.

If a straite be founde, what is to bee done, and what greate importance

it may bee of.

And if there be a strayte in the passage into the Scithian
Seas, the same is specially and with great regard to bee
noted, especially if the same straite be narrow and to be
kept, I say it is to be noted as a thing that doeth much im-
porte, for what Prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same,
and shall possease the same, as the king of Denmarke doth
possesse the straite of Denmarke, he onely shall haue the
trade out of these regions into the Northeast partes of the
world for himselfe, and for his priuate profit, or for his sub-
iectes only, or to enioy wonderfuU benefite of the toll of the
same, like as the king of Demarke doth enioy of his straites,
by suffering the Merchantes of other Princes to passe that
way. If any such straite be found, the eleuation, the hie
or lowe lande, the hauens neere, the length of the straites,
and all other such circustaunces, are to be set downe for many
purposes : And all the Mariners in y^ voyage are to be
swome to keepe close al such thinges, that other Princes
preuent vs not of the same, after our returne, vpon the dis-
closing of the mariners, if any suche thing should happe.

Which way the Sauage may be made able to purchase our cloth, and

other their wantes.

If you finde any Hand or mayne lande populous, and that
the same people hath neede of cloth : Then are you to

l> 1

120

NOl'KS IN \VlIlTlN(i.

deuisc what commodities they haue to purchase the same
withall.

If they be poore, then you are to consider of the soylc,
and how by any possibilitie the same may be made to enrich
the, that hereafter they may haue somthiug to purchase the
cloth withall.

If you enter into any mayne by portable riuer, and shall
finde any great woods, you are to note what kynd of timber
they be of : That Ave may know whether they are for pitclic,
tarre, mastes, deleborde, clapborde, or for buylding of ships
or houses, for so if the people haue no vse of them, they
maye be brought perhaps to vse.

Not to venture the losse of any one man.

You must haue great care to prescrue your people, since
your number is so small, and not to venture any one man in
any wise.

To bring home besides marchandize ccrtaine trifles.

Bring home with you (if you may) from Cambalu, or other
ciuill place, one or other young man, although you leaue one
for him.

Also the fruites of the countries, if they will not of the-
selues dure, drie them, and so prescrue them.

And bring with you the Curnelles of pcres and apples,
and the stones of such stone fruites as you shall find there.

Also the seedes of all strange herbes and flowres, for such
seedes of fruites and hearbes comming from another part of
the world and so farre off, wil delite the fancie of many, for
the strangenes, and for that the same may growe and con-
tinue the delite long time.

If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay,' to bring thence the

1 The proper name of this city is Hang-cheu-feu : it stands on the

NOTKS l\ M'RlTlNd.

131

;hc same

he soylc,
to enrich
chase the

Mappc of that Countrcy, for so shall you haiie the pcrfecte
description, which is to great purpose.

To bring thence some old printed bookc, to see whether
they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe,
as some write.'

and shall
of timber
or pitchc,
; of ships
tiem, they

>ple, since
ne man in

.1, or other
leaue one

LOt of the-

nd apples,
nd there.
9, for such
ler part of
many, for
e and con-
thence the
;auds on the

To iioto their force by sea iiud by hmde.

If you arriue in Cambalu or Quiusay, to take a speciall
viewe of their Nauic, and to note the force, grcatnesse, manor

river Tsien-tang-kiang ; was the ancient capital of Southern China, and
is now the capital of the province of Che-kiang. Quinsai, Kin-sai, Kin-
tsay, or according to Morrison, King-sze, appears to have been no more
than a descriptive appellation, signifying, says Marco Polo, " the celes-
tial city", "and which it merits, from its preeminence to all others in the
world in point of grandeur and beauty." The literal signification is —
" The residence of the Imperial Court". — Travels of Marco Polo : Edited
by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to., p. 608 et seqq. ; Morrison's Chinese
Dictionary, p. 794.

' There is much reason to believe, that the art of printing books, as
exercised by the Chinese at the present day, was known to them as
early as the first half of the tenth century. — See Medhurst, China, its
State and Prospects, p. 673. London, 1 838. The earliest work, however,
of which we have been able to obtain an account, from one having had
the opportunity of personally inspecting it, bears date the eighth year of
the last period of the reign of Shun Te, or ad. 1348. M"". Prevost, our
informant, who is at present engaged in cataloguing the splendid collec-
tion of Chinese books in the British Museum, has favoured us with the
following description of the book. " The title is Chin Tsaou Tseen Wan,
or The Thousand Character Classic. It is one of the most popular works in
China, and consists of exactly one thousand different characters, not one
being repeated. It is composed in octosyllabic verses, which rhyme in
couplets; each verse presenting to the student some useful Chinese
notion, either in morals or in general knowledge. The object of this
work is to teach the written character, both in its semi-cursive and in its
stenographic form, termed Tsaou, or grass-writing : the text is, therefore,
printed in parallel columns, alternately in the Chin, or correct, and the
Tsaou, or cursive character. The author lived in the first half of the
sixth century." This work, when seen by M"". Prevost, was in the pos-
session of Colonel Tyntc.

.-ll

122

Nm'EM IN WHI'lINO.

uf building of them, the sayles, the tackcls, the anckcra, the
furniture of them, with ordinauiice, armour, and munition.

Also, to note the force of the walles and bulwarkcs of their
cities, their ordinaunco, and whether they hauc any caliucrs,
and what powder and shot.

To note what armour they haue.

What swordes.

What pikes, halbertcs, and billcs.

What horses of force, and what light horses they haue.

And so throughout to note the force of the countrey, both
by sea and by lande.

ThingH to be luarkud to inaku couiuctures by.

To take speciall note of their buildings, and of the oma*
ments of their houses within.

Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture, and
of the substance that the same is made of, of which a mar-
chant may make a gesse, as well of their commodities as also
of their wantes.

To note their shoppes and warehouses, and with what com-
modities they aboundte, the price also.

To see their shambles, and to vicwe all such thinges as are
brought into the markets, for so you shall sone see the com-
modities, and the maner of the people of the inlande, and so
giue a gesse of many things.

To note their fieldes of grayne, and their trees of fruitc,
and howe they abounde or not abounde in one and other,
and what plentie or scarcetie of fishe they haue.

Thinges to be carried with you, whereof more or lesse is to bo caried for
a sbewo of our commodities to bee made.

Kersics of all orient coulours, specially of starael,' brode
cloth of orient colours also.

1 Stamcl — Fine ivoihted.

NOTKH IN WRITINO.

kcrs, the
inition.
8 of their
caliucrs,

hauc.
;rey, both

bhe orna-

turc, and
:;li a mar-
cs as also

:hat com-
ixes as are
the com-
le^ and so

of fruite,
nd otlier,

caried for
el,' brode

Frisadoes,' motleys," bristowo fricos, spaniHh blankcttcs,
bayes of all collours, specially with stamcll, woatods, carols,'
sayes,* wedmoles,* flanelles, rasho,' etc.

Feltes of diners colours.

Taffeta hats.

Deepe cappcs for mariners coloured in stamell, whereof if
ample vent may bo found, it wouldc turne to an infinite
commoditic of tlie common poorr people by knittinr

Quilted Cappes of leuant Taffcin of liif.orn <yi](,\wt, for M/j
night.

Knit stockcs of silkc of orient colours.

Knit stockes of Jersey yerne, of oiiunt ct -lours, wi^uioof if
ample vent might followe, the poore rvultitudc fhouldc ?u;
set in worke.

Stocks of kersey, of diners color tH. for men and for
women.

Garters of Silke, of seuerall kindes, and of colours diuers.

Girdels of Buffe, and all other leather, with yilt und
ungilt Buckles, specially wast girdels, wast girdlcri of reluct.

Gloues of all sortes, knit and of leather.

Gloues perfumed.

* Frisadoes. This appe?.r8 to have been a Spanish term, applied to
friezed cloths.

* Motleys— Cloth of mixed colours.

* Carols — Cloths made of fustian.

* Sayes — Thin woollen stuff, or serge.

" Wedmolc. This stuff, as also the name, iij oi norili.a n oriiipQ. Mol-
bech, in his Danish Dictionary, tlescribeH it, uiidor the word Vadmel, as "A
kind of coarse home-made stuff, un'.veJis:»Uy worn by tho ooLimon people."
It was also in use in Iceland, Sweden, Norwt y, and the Zetland Islands.
Kennett, in the Qlopsary to his Parochial Antiquities (Oxford, 1818,
4to.), has the xoHowiojr eufjy : " Waddemole, now called Woadmel, and
in Oxfordshire. ^^ oddonell, a coarse sort of stuff used for the covering of
the collars of car^ -horses. Mr. Ray, in his collection of east and south
country words, describes it to be a hairy coarse stuff made of Iceland
wool, and brought thence by our seamen to Norfolk, Suffolk, etc."

" Bashe— A species of inferior silk, or silk and stuff manufacture.

124

NO'I'KH IN WJllTINO.

Poyntes of all 8orto« of «ilkc, thrced, and lether, of all
.maner of colourB.

Sliooes of spanislio leather, of diueis colours, of diuers
lengthes, cut and vncut.

Sliooes of other leatlior.

Veluet shooes and pantoplcs.'

These shooes and pantoplcs to be sent this time, rather
for a showe then for any other cause.

Purses knit, and of leather.

Night cappes knit and other.

A Garnishe of Pewter, for a showe of a vent of that Eng-
lishe commoditie, BottcUcs, flagons, spoones, etc., of that
metal! .

Glasses of Englishc making.

Venice glasses.

Looking glasses for women, great and fayre.

Small dials, a few for proofe, although there they wil not
hold the order they do heerc.

Spectacles of the common soii;.

Others of Cristall, trymmed with siluer and otherwise.

Owre glasses.

Commes of luorie.

Commes of Boxe.

Commes of Home.

Linen of diuers sorts.

Handkerchewes, with silkc of seuerall colours, wrought.

Glasen eyes to ride with against dust.

Kniues in sheathes, hoth single and double, of good edge.

Needles, great and small, of euery kinde.

Buttons, greater and smaller, with mouldes of leather and
not of wood, and such as bo durable of double silke, and that
of sundrie colours.

Boxes with weightcs of golde, and of euery kinde of the
coyne of golde, good atnl badde, to shewe that the people

' PantoploH— Panta1)Ic'fi, slipperR with high soles.

NOTKS IN WIUTING.

125

sr, of all
)f diuers

e, rather

hat Eng-
,, of that

here vse weight and measure^ which is a certayne showe of
wisedome, and of a certayne gouernment setled here.

All the seuerall siluer Coynes of our Englishe moneys to
bee caried with you, to bee showed to the gouernours at
Cambalu, which is a thing that shal in silence speake to wise
men more then you imagine.

Lockes and keyes, hinges, boltes, haspes, etc., great and
small, of excellent workemanshippe, whereof if vent may bee
hereafter, wee shall set our subiectes in worke, whiche you
must haue in great regarde. For in finding ample vente of
any thing that is to be wrought in this realme, is more
worth to our people besides the gaine of the marchant, then
Christchurch, Bridewel, the Sauoy, and all the Hospitals of
Englande.

ly wil not

rwise.

rought.

ood edge.

ather and
and that

de of the
"lie people

For banketing on shipborde persons of credite.

First, the sweetest perfumes to set vnder hatches to make
the place sweete aga. ist their comming aborde, if you arriue
at Cambalu, Quinsey, or in such great cities, and not among
sauages.

Marmelade.

Sucket.'

Figges barelled.

Reysings of the sunne.

Comfets of diuers kindes made of purpose, that shall not
dissolue, by him that is most excellent.

Prunes damaske.

Dried peres.

Walnuttes.

Almondes.

Smalnuttes.

Oliues, to make them taste their wine.

1 Sucket — A sweetmeat.

i ■ I

126

NOTKS IN WllITINO.

The Apple lohn, that dureth two yeeres^ to make showe
of our fruites.

Hullocke.'

Sacke.

Vials of good sweet waters, and casting bottels of glasses,
to besprinckel the gests withall, after their comming aborde.

Suger, to vse with their wine, if they will.

The sweete oyle of Santie,' and excellent Frenche vineger,
and a fine kinde of Bisket, stiped in the same, doe make a
banketting dishe, and a little Suger cast in it cooleth and
comforteth, and refresheth the spirites of man.

Synomome water fis to be had with you to make a shew

Imperiall water "i of by taste, and also to comfort your
^sicke in the voyage.

With these and such like, you may banket where you
arriue the greater and best persons.

Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes, or
small vioUes of sweete waters, you may gratifie by way of
gift, or you may make a merchandise of them.

The mappe of England" and of London.

Take with you the mappe of Englande set out in faire
colours, one of the biggest sort I meane, to make shewe of
your Countrie from whence you come.

And also the large mappe of London, to make shewe of
your Citie, and let the riuer be drawne full of shippes of all
sortes, to make the more shewe of your greate trade and
trafficke in trade of merchandise.*

' Hullocke — Hollock, a kind of sweet wine.

" Santie — Zante.

3 The map here recommended to be taken, was either that by Hum-
phrey LIuyd, or Lloyd, published by Ortelius, in his Theatrum Orbia
Terrarum (Antwerp, 1673) ; or Saxton's, published in his Atlas, at
London, in 1579.

* This must be the large plan of London, made by Ralph Aggas, the

NOTES IN WKITING.

127

e sliowe

f glasses,
r aborde.

Ortelius booko of mappes.^

If you take Ortelius booke of mappcs with you to marke
all these regions, it were not amisse, and if necde were to
present the same to the great Cam, for it would bee to a
Prince of merueilous account.

! vineger,
e make a
)leth and

e a shew
fort your

here you

boxes, or
jy way of

t in faire
shewe of

! shewe of

pes of all

■trade and

Ekt by Hum-
trum Orbis
is Atlas, at

Aggas, the

Tho booke of the attyre of all nations.^

Such a booke carried with you and bestowed in gift, woulde
be much esteemed, as I persuade my selfe.

Bookes.

If any man will lende you the newe Herball,^ and suclie
bookes as make shewe of Herbes, Plantes, Trees, Fishes,
Foules, anu Beastes, of these regions, it may much delight
the great Cam, and the nobilitie, and also their merchants,
to haue the viewe of them : for all things in these parties so

surveyor, about the year 1560, and entitled " Civitas Londinum". It is
of extreme rarity in its original state, but has been frequently re-pub-
lished, with alterations and additions, showing the altered state of the
city.

1 The title of this work is Theatrum Orbis Terrarum.

3 There are two works, either of which may be here alluded to, viz. —
Omnium pcene Gentium Imagines itbi Oris totiitsque Corporis et Vestium
Habitus diligentissime exprimuntur, by H. Damman and A. Bruyn,
(Cologne, 1677, fol.) ; and Habitus Variarum Orbis Gentium, by J. J.
Boissard (fol. 1581). The first is most probably the work alluded to.

* The book which bests corresponds with this description is " A New
Herball, wherein are conteyned the names of Herbes, in Qreke, Latin,
Englysh, Duch, Frenche, and in the Poticaries and Herbaries Latin,
with the properties, degrees, and naturall places of the same, gathered
and made by Wylliam Turner, phisicion unto the Duke of Someisettes
Grace. Imprinted at London, by Steven Mierdman," 1651, fol. It
was enlarged by the addition of a second and third part ; and a new
edition of the entire work was published in l.'iGS. At the time Ilakluyt
wrote, it had most probably quite superseded " The Crete Herbal", first
printed by Peter Treveris, in 151(), fol.

128

NOTKS IN WHITING.

much differing from the thinges of those regions, since they
may not be here to see the, by meane of the distance, yet
to see those things in a shadowe, by this meane will delight
them.

The booke of Rates.

Take with you the booke of Rates, to the ende you may
pricke all those commodities there specified that you shall
chaunce to find in Cambalu, in Quinsey, or in any part of
the East, where you shall chaunce to bee.

Parchment.

Rowles of Parchment, for that we may vent much without
hurt to the Realme, and it lyes in small roome.

Glewe.

To carrye Glewe, for that wee haue plentie, and want
vent.

Red Oker for Painters.

To seeke vent, because wee haue great mines of it, and
haue no vent.

Sope of both kindes.

To trie what vent it may haue, for that we make of both
kindes, and may perhaps make more.

Safiron.

To trie what vent you may haue of Saffron, because this
Realme yeeldes the best of the worlde, and for the tillage
and other labours, may set the poore greatly in work to
their reliefe.

Aquauitae.
By newe deuise wonderfuU quantities may bee made heere,
and therefore to seeke the vent.

NOTKS IN WKl'l'INU.

U\)

nee they
ance, yet
1 delight

you may
you shall
y part of

h. without

and want

of itj and

e of both

;ause this
le tillage
work to

ide heere,

Blacke Conic skinncs.

To trie the vent at Cambalue, for that it lyes towardes
the North, and for that wee abounde with the commoditic,
and may spare it.

Threade of all colours.
The vent thereof may set our people in worke.

Copper Spurres, and haukes belles.
To see the vent, for it may set our people in worke.

A note and a caueat for the merchant.

That before you offer your commodities to sale, that you
indeuour to learne what commodities the Countrie there
hath. For if you bring thither veluet, taffeta, spice, or any
such commoditie, that you your selfe desire to lade your
selfe home with, you must not sell yom's deare, least here-
after you purchase theirs not so cheape as you woulde.

Seedes for sale.

Carrie with you for that purpose all sortes of Garden
seedes, as well of sweete strawing herbes and of flowers, as
also of pot herbes, and all sorts for rootes, etc.

Leadde of the first melting.

Leaddc of the second melting of the slagges.

To make triall of the vent of Leadde of all kindes.

English yron, and wyer of yron and copper.
To trye the sale of the same.

Brymstone.
To trie the vent of the same, because wee abounde of it,
made in the llealme.

180

NOTKS IN WRITINO.

Anthimonoy, a mineral!.

To see whether they haue any ample vse there for it, for
that wee may lade whole nauieu of it, and haue no vse of it,
vnlesse it bee for some small portion in founding of belles,
or a lithel that the Alcumistes vse, of this you may haue two
sortes at the Appoticaries.

Tinder boxes, with Steele, flint, and matches and tinder,
the matches to be made of Gineper,' to auoide the offence of
brimstone.

To trie and to make the better sale of Brimstone by shew-
ing the vse.

Candles of waxe to light.

A painted Bellowes.
For that perhaps they haue not the vse of them.

A pot of cast yron.

To trie the sale, for that it is a naturall commoditie of
this Realme.

I i.i '

All maner of edge tooles.

To bee sold there, or to the lesse ciuill people, by the way
where you shall twich.^

What I woulde haue you there to remember.

To note specially what excellent dying they vse in these
regions, and therefore to note their garments and ornaments
of houses : and to see their die houses, and the materialles
and simples that they vse about the same : and to bring

' Gineper — Juniper, used for matches, in order that the strong smell
of the wood might overpower that of the brimstone,
a Touch.

NOTES IN WRITINO,

181

jr it, for
irse of it,
>f belles,
daue two

i tinder,
)ffence of

by shew-

Musters' and shewes of the colours and of the materials, for
that it may serue this clothing realme to great purpose.

To take with you for your owno vso.
All maner of Engyns to take fishe and foule.

To take with you those thinges that bee in perfection of goodnes.se.

For as the goodnesse nowe at the first maj' make your
commodities in credit in time to come : So false and sophis-
ticate commodities shall drawe you and all your commodities
into contempt and ill opinion.

' Samples or patterns.

loditie of

the way

111

in these
Irnaments
iaterialles

to bring

Iroug smell

las

NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN HERETOFORE
to bee giuen to one that prepared for a discoucrie, and

went not: and not vnfitt to bo committed to print, considering

the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of

such other thinges, not vnmeete in such new voyages

as may bo attempted horeafter.

That the first Scate be chosen on y« seaside, so as (if it may
be) you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riucr, or
lake, within your seat safe from the enemie. And so as the
enemie shalbe forced to lie in ope rode abroade without, to be
dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise. Thus
seated you shall bee least subiecte to annoy of the enemie, so
may you by your Nauie within, passe out to all partes of the
worlde, and so may the shippes of Englande haue aecesse to
you to supply all wantes, so may your commodities be caricd
away also. This seatc is to bee chosen in temperate Climat,
in sAveete ayre, where you may posscsse alwayes swecte water,
wood, seacoles, or turfe, with fish, flesh, grayne, fruits, herbes,
and rootes, or so many of those, as may suffice very' neces-
sitie for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the
possessing of mines of golde, of siluer, copper, quicksiluer,
or of any suche precious thing, the wantes of diners of those
nccdfull thinges may be supplied from some otlier 4)lace by
sea, etc.

1 Every.

II I

NOTKS FRAMED BY A (iKNTLEMAX.

133

ITOFORE

ric, and

iidering
(1 of

(if it may
^, riucr, or
d so as the
liout, to be
rise. Thus
ciicmie, so
irtes of the
accessc to
is be caricd
ate Climat,
ccte water,
its, herbes,
ery' neces-
nd for the
[uicksiluer,
;rs of those
cr 4)hice by

Are to be looked for as
thingcs without whicli
no Citie may ])ee
made, nor people ii-
eiuill sorte be kept
together.

Stone to make Lyme of.

Slate stone to tile withall, or
such clay as maketh tyle.

Stone to wall withal, if Brveke
may not bee made.

Timber for building easely to
be conueied to the place.

Reede to couer houses, or such
like, if tile or slate be not.

The people there to plant and to continue, are eyther to
Hue without trafficke, or by trafficke and by trade of mar-
chandize. If they shall Hue without sea trafficke, at the
first they become naked by want of linen and wollcn, and
very miserable by infinite waiites that will otherwise ensue,
and so will they be forced of them sclues to depart, or els
easely they will bee consumed by the Sp.' by the Fr.'* or by
the naturall inhabithantes of the countrey, and so the inter-
price becomes reprochfuU to our nation, and a lett to many
other good purposes that may be taken in hande.

And by trade of marehandize they can not Hue, excepte
the sea or the lande there may yeelde commoditie for com-
moditie. And therefore you ought to haue most speciall
regarde of that point, and so to plant, that the naturall com-
modities of the place and seate may drawe to you accesse of
Nauigation for the same, or that by your own*. Nauigation
you may carie the same out, and fetche home the supplye of
the wantes of the seate.

Such nauigation so to bee employed, shall, besides the
supply of Avantes, bee able to encounter with forreyne force.

And for that in the ample vente of suche thinges as are
brought to you out of engl. by sea, standeth a matter of
great consequence, it behoueth that all humanitie and cur-
tesie, and much forbearing of reuenge to the inland people,
be vsed, so shall you haue firme amitie with your neyghbours,

Spaniards,

« French.

134

NOTES PRAMKI) BY A OENTLKMAV.

80 shall you have their inland commodities to maintaync traf-
ficker and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diners
and scucrall commodities of the inland arc not in great
plentie to be brought to your handes, without the ayde of
some portable or Nauigable ryuer, or ample lacke, and there-
fore to haue the helpe of suche a one is most requisite : And
so is it of effecte for the dispersing of your owne commodi-
ties in exchange into the inlaudes.

Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people
then familiaritie. For so may you best discouer al the
naturall commodities of their countrey, and also all their
wantes, all their strengthes, all their weakcnesse, and with
whome they are in warre, and with whome considerate in
peace and amitie, etc., whiche knowen, you may woorke
many great eft'ectes of greatest consequence.

And in your planting, the consideration of the climate and
of the soyle bee matters that are to bee respected. For if
it be so that you may let in the salt sea " ter, not mixed
with the fresh, into flattes, where the sunne is of the heate
that it is at Rochell, in the Bay of portingall, or in Spaine,
then may you procure a man of skill, and so you haue wonne
one noble commoditie for the fishing, and for trade of mar-
chandize, by making of Salt.

Or if the soyle and clymate bee such as may yeelde you
the Grape as good as that at Burdens,^ as that in Portingale,
or as that about Siui^ in Spaine, or that in the Hands of the
Canaries, then there resteth but a woorkeman to put in exe-
cution to make wines, and to dresse Resings of the sunne
and other, etc.

Or if you finde a soyle of the temperature of the South
part of Spaine or Barbaric, in whiche you finde the Olif tree
to growe : Then you may bee assured of a noble marchan-
dize for this realme, considering that our great trade of
clothing doth require oyle, and weying howe deere of late it

Bourdcaux.

» Seville.

lyne traf-
!. Diuers
in great
B ayde of
md there-
jite: And
commodi-

ad people
er al the
► all their
and with
iderate in
ly woorke

limate and
d. For if
not mixed
the heate
in Spaine,
nue wonne
le of mar-

^eelde you
'ortingale,
nds of the
lut in exe-
the sunne

;he South
Oliftree
marchan-
trade of
of late it

N0TK8 FRAMED DY A CKNTLKMAN.

18S

is become by the vent they banc of that commoditie in the
West Indies, and if you findc the wilde olif there it may be
graffed.

Or if you can finde the berrie of Cochenile, with which e
wee colour StammcUes, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood,
or earth, fitte for dying, you winne a notable thing fitt for
our state of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall in the
west Indies on that firme.

Or if you haue hides of beastes fit for sole Lether, etc., It
wilbe a Aiarchandize right good, and the sauagcs there yet
can not tannc Lether after our kinde, yet excellently after
their owne maner.

Or if the soyle shall yeelde Figges, Almondes, Sugar
Canes, Quinces, Orenges, Lemons, Potatos, etc., there may
arise some trade and trafficke, by figges, almonds, sugar,
marmeladc, Sucket, etc.

Or if great woods bee founde, if they be of Cypres, chests
may bee made, if they bee of some kinde of trees, pitche and
tarre may be made, if they bee of some other, then they may
yeelde Rosin, Turpentine, etc., and al for trade and trafficke,
and Caskcs for wine and oyle may be made : likewise, ships
and houses, etc.

And because trafficke is a thing so materiall, I wish that
great obseruation be taken what euery soyle yeeldcth natu-
rally, in what commoditie soeucr, and what it may be made
to yeeld by indeuour, and to send vs notice home, that
therevppon wee may deuise what meanes may be thought of
to rayse trades.

Nowe admit that we might not be suffered by the sauages
to enioy any whole countrey, or any more the the scope of a
Citie, yet if wee might enioy trafficke, and be assured of the
same, wee might bee much inriched, our Nauie might be
increased, and a place of safetie might there be found, if
change of religion or ciuill warres shoulde happen in this
rcalmc, which arc thinges of great benefitc. But if wc may

1 1 ■* » » ■

'1 J , 1

130

NOTKS I'ltAMKK l\\ A (IKM'I.KMAN.

U 111

inioy any largo Tcrritoric of a|)t my\v., we might mo vhc the
matter, aH we Hhouhl not depeniU; vpon Spaim; for oylea,
saeks, re.singes, on^nges, hsmoiis, Spanish skiniieH, etc. Nor
vppon IVunnce for woud, buyHalt, and (Jancoync wines, nor
on lOstlaiuU; for fhixc, pitcli, tarn;, mastea, etc. So wo shouhlo
not HO cxliaust onr treasure, and so exceedingly inrichc our
dout)tfull friendes, as we doe, l)ut shouhle purehasse tlie com-
modities that we want for lialfe tlie treasure that now we do :
bjit shouhl by our own iuchistries and the benefits of tlio
soih) there, cheapely purches oyles, wines, salt, fnfits, pitch,
tarre, flaxe, hempe, mustes, Ijoordes, flshe, gold, siluer, cop-
per, tallowe, hides, and nuiny commoditica : besides, if there
he no flatts to make salt on, if you hanc plentie of wood you
may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vscs at homo
there.

If you can kecpe a safe hauen, although you hauo not tho
friendship of the ncerc ncyghbours, yet you may haue traf-
ficke by sea vpon one shore or other, vpon that firme in time
to come, if not present.

If you findc great plenty of tymber on the shore side, or
vpon any portable riuer, you were best to cut downe of tho
same the first wynter, to bee seasoned for shippes, barkes,
botes, and houses.

And if neerc such wood there be any riuer or brooke, vpon
the which a sawing mill may be placed, it woulde doc great
scruice, and therefore consideration woulde beo li'.ul of suclic
place.

And if such port and chose place of setling were in pos-
sessio, and after fortified hy art, although by y land side our
Englishme were kept in, and might not inioy any traffick
with the next neighbours, nor any vittel : yet might they
vittel themselues of fishe to serue verie necessitic, and enter
into amitie with the enemies of their next neighbours, and
so haue vent of their marchandize of England, and also haue
vittel, or by meanes herevpon to be vsed, to force the next

," « It

• •• • • • * ■

NOTKS HJAMKU HY V (iKNTF-KMAN.

I a;

no vsc the
for oylcH,
I'tc. Nor
tviiu's, nor
vc Mhouldc
iirichc our
e tlu; com-
ow \vc do :
fits of the
ifits, pitch,
iluer, cop-
es, if tlierc
f wood you
CB nt homo

iiuc not the
r hime traf-
me in time

ore side, or
iwnc of the
[JOS, barkcs,

looke, vpon
doe great
[m\ oi suehe

ere in pos-

id side our

[vny traffick

flight they

I, and enter

[ibours, and

also hauc

Ice the next

nRt{<hbours to nmitio. And keeping a nnni<! nt the .setling
phicc, tliey Hhouldo findc out ah)ng tlu; tracte of the laiKh; to
hauc trafTickc, and at diners IlaniU^s also. And ho thJH first
Rcatc might in time become a stapling place of the commo-
dities of many countreyH and territories, and in tyme this
place myght become of all the prouinees round about the
only gouernour. And if the place first chose shoidd not so
wel please our people, as some other more lately founde out :
There might bee an easie rcmoue, and that might be rased,
or rather kept, for others of our nation to auoyde an ill
neyghbour, etc.

If the soylcs adioyning to such conuenicnt haucn and
setling places be founde marshie and boggic, then men skilful
in draining arc to be caricd thither. For arte may work(!
wondorfull cffcctcs therein, and make the sovlc rich for
numy vscs.

To plantc vppon an Ilande in the mouth of some notable
riucr, or vpon the poynt of the lande entring into the riuer,
if no such Hand be, were to great cnde. For if such riuer
were nauigablc or portable farre into the lande, then would
arise great hope of planting in fertill soylcs, and trafheke on
the one or on thother side of the riuer, or on both, or the
linking in amitie with one or other petie king contcding
there for dominion.

Such riuers founde, both barges and boates may bee made
for the safe passage of such as shal perce y same. These
to bee couered with doubles of course linnen, artificially
wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the sauage from
the rower.

Since euery soyle of the world by arte may be made to
yeelde things to feede and to cloth man, bring in your
returne a perfect note of the soyle without and within, and
we shall deuise if neede require to amende the same, and to
draw it to more pcrfectio. And if you findc not fruits in

138

NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN.

your planting place to your likings we shal in v drifats* fur-
nish you w' such kinds of plants to be caried thither y« win-
ter after your planting, as shall the very next summer folow-
ing, yeeld you some fruito, and the yere next folowing, as
much as shal suffice a towne as big as Callice, and that
shortly after shall bo able to yeeld you great store of strong
dui'able good sider to drinkc, and these trees shalbe able to
increase you within lossc then vii yeres as many trees pre-
sently to beare as may suffice the people of diners parishes,
which at the first sctling may stand you in great steade, if
the soyle haue not the commoditie of fruites of goodnesse
already. And because you ought greedily to hunt after
thinges that yeelde present reliefe, without trouble of ca-
riage thither, therefore I make mencion of these thus spe-
cially, to the endo you may haue it specially in mynde.

UoxtiH, or packing-cases.

KfNTS.

139

THE NAMES OF CERTAINE COMMODITIES GROW-
ing in part of America^ not presently inhabited by
auy Christians, fro Florida northward, gathered out of
the discourses of Verarzanao, ihorne, Cartier,
Ribalt, Theuet, and Best, which haue bin person-
ally in those Countreys, and haue secne these
things amongst many others.

Beastes,

Leopardes
Stagges
Hartes
Deare
Beares
Hares
Wildeswine
Connyos
White beares

A beast farre bigger then an uxci
Wolues
Dogges

A kinde of beast like a Conny"
Beuers
Marterns
Foxes
Bagers
Otters
Weesels

A beast called Su, being like a
Bull.*

Birdes.

Ilaukes
Bitters
Curlewes
Herons
Woodcockes
Partridges
Small birdes

Flentie of foule for al pleasant
game

Aporates

Blackbirdes

Cranes

Crowes, like Cornish Choughes

Duckes

Godetes*

Geese

Pigions

Margaues'*

Feasants

Swannes

Thrushes

Turtles

Fintches

Nightingales, etc.

Fishes.

Coddes

Salmons

Scales

Makerels

Tortoyses

Whales

Horsefishos'

A fish like a grayhouud good

meate
Lampreys
Crabbes
Crefishes
Lobsters
Eeles
The riuers full of incredible store

of all good fishe.

1 This may be the elk. ^ The bison.

2 Most probably the marmot. •• Probably the godwit.
5 Perhaps the muckawis ; caprimulgas rufus.

" The hippocampus.

140

Wormes,
Silke wormes fayre and great.

IVees.

Bay

Cypres

Damson

Palme

Many trees yeelding sweet sauour

Okes

Nut trees

Firre

Vines

Cahene, good against poyson

Cedars ( Haself trees

Cheritrees \ Walnut trees

Pepper trees

Amcda, which healeth many dis-
eases

Ashe / Elmes

Boxe J Whitelmes

Cidron j Pynes

Yewe I Willowes

Filbird trees, better than ours

Whitethomes, bearing a berrie as
h\tr as a Damson

Vines, bearing a great grape.

Fruitea.

Cowcumbers

( Guordes

Cytrons

< Mulberries

lUispis

f Almonds

Apples

1 Melons

Damsons

\ Figges

Reasons, great and small

Muske melons ( Lemons

Orenges ( Dates, very great

Strawberries

Qooseberries, red and white.

Gummas.

lUiBcn I Pitche. Tarro

Turpentine < Ilonuie
Frankencensc ( Waxe

Spices and JJrugges.

i'opper

Small spices, like to viro
Keubaibe in Florida: diuerse other
kindes.

NAMJSS Of CKllTAINE COMMODITIES

Uearhea and Floures.

Many sortes of herbes, differing

from ours
Many simples, like those of Frauncc
Hempe
Parseley

iRedde
White
Damaske.

Qrayne and Pulse.

Come, like Rie I Myllet
Gates < Beanes of diuers

Peason ( coulers

Another strage come, of good

nourishment
Maiz.

MetaUes.

Gold, in good quantitio

Siluer

Coper

Leade

Many hills shew mineral matter.

Precious Stones.

Turqueses

Rubies

Pearles, great and faire

Precious stones, of diuers colours

Esurgni, a stone much estemcd

there
Kiph, a kind of stone shining

bright.

Other Stones.

Marble, very hard ( Jasper
Alabaster ( Freestone

Quarries of glistriug stones.

Yelowc
Blewc

Colours.

( Redde
< Scarlet
f Roane colour

OllOWING IN PART OP AMERICA.

141

Deare skinnes, wrought like branch-
ed Daniaske

Harts skinnefl, paynted and died,
of diuers colours

Bagges of red colours

A roote called Auaty, that they
dye red withall in Florida.

So aa the commodities already

knowen, besides many yet vn-

knowen, are these, and that

in greai qiuintitie,

Fleshe ( Fruites

Fish \ Qrayne

Beueradges, or drink, of diuers

sortes
Golde I Copper

Silver ( Lead

^P^^'** i Gummes

D'uggeB (oyles

Silke

Hides vndressed

Beasts skins, wrought like Damaske

Lether died

Hartes skinnes painted

Stones for fayre building

Precious stones

Colours

All kinde of good wood.

Imprinted at Loudon, at the
three Cranes, in the Vine-
iree, by Thonuu Daw-
ion. 1582.

shining

APPENDIX.

THE WILL OF RICHARD HAKLUYT.— THE CHIEFE PLACES WHERE

SONDRY SORTE OF SPICES DO GROWE, ETC.— NOTES OF

CERTAYNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN

THE EAST INDIES, ETC.

B'i'fe

APPENDIX.

The following pieces have never before been made public.
The "Will is printed from an official copy in the possession of
Bolton Corney, Esq., to whom the editor is indebted for the
loan of this very interesting document. The Notes have
evidently been drawn up by Hakluyt at the request of some
person or persons of consideration, desirous of availing them-
selves of his intimate acquaintance with all particulars bearing
upon maritime enterprise, and were most probably intended
for the use of some company of merchants. They are per-
haps rather curious than valuable at the present day j but
their practical utility at the time they were framed must
have been great j and from whatever point of view we may
regard them, they will be found to possess considerable
interest.

THE WILL OF RICHARD HAKLUYT.

EXTRACTED FBOM TUE RJ3GISTRT OF THE PREROGATIVE COURT 0?

CANTERBURY.

In the name of God Amen. The twente daye of August,
in the yeare of Lord God one thowsand sixe hundreth and
twelve, I, Richard Hackluit, person of Wetheringsett, in the
countie of SuflFolke, beinge of good and pfect memorie
thanked be God, revokinge and frustratinge hereby all
former willes or testaments whatsoever heretofore by me
thought vpon or made, doe make, declare, and ordaine, this
my last will or testament hereafter followinge. First, I

146

APPENDIX.

cofhend my soule into the handes of God, from whence
I rcceaved tlie same, trusting thorow the only merits of
Jesus Christ and the sanctification of the blessed Spirit, to
be both in body and soule a member of His most holy and
heavenly kingdome. And as concerninge my body, I yeald
it (by course of nature and God his ordinance) vnto the
earth to be neverthelesse decentlie buried (in hope of a
happie resurrection) by the discretion and charges of my
executor. Item, I give vnto Edmond Hackluit, my my only
Sonne, and to his heires for ever, all that my manour called
Bridg-place, w'^ all royalties, prerogatives, proffitts, and
advantages, w* all the landes, meadowes, pastures, woods,
underwoods, or other the appurtenances to the said manour,
any waye belonginge or appertayninge, in as full and ample
maner, as I lately purchased the same of Mr. John Scrive-
ner, late of Barbican, in the suburbs of the cittie of London.
Also, I geve vnto the said Edmonde Hackluit, and to his
heires for ever, all that my tenement, w**" the landes their-
vnto belonginge, lyinge and beinge in Leominster Oare, now
demised by my brother Oliver Hackluit, for sixtene nobles
a yeare ; further, I give vnto the said Edmond Hackluit, and
to his heires for ever, all those my tenements lying in the
north-west end of Tuttell-streete, in the cittie of West-
minster, w"^ I lately purchased in fee of one Mr.
Line, neere adioyninge to the inn called the White Harte,
vpon condition neverthelesse hereafter foUowinge and not
otherwise, — that is to saye, that the said Edmond or his
assignes doe paye, or cause to be payed, vnto Mr. Thomas
Peters, late of Fleete-streete, in London, to the use of Francis
Hackluit, the wife of me Richard Hackluit, the full and
whole sorne of three hundreth pounds of lawfuU English
money, in full contentacon and satisfaction of a certaine
bond obligatorie heretofore by me sealed and delivered, for
the contentment, reliefe, and maintyiiance of the said Francis,
in such manner and forme as in the said bond is specified.

APPENDIX.

147

1 whence
merits of
Spirit, to
holy and
y, I yeald
vnto the
lope of a
;e8 of my
/ my only
aur called
iitts, and
es, woods,
d manour,
and ample
[in Scrive-
if London,
md to his
des their-
Oare, now
me nobles
3kluit, and
ug in the
of West-
lite Harte,

and not
nd or his

Thomas
of Francis

full and
1 English
a certaine
ivered, for
id Francis,

specified.

Howbeit, my meaninge, intent, and will, is, that yf the said
Francis, or her assignes, doe deliver into the hands of my
said Sonne Edmond, the said bond obligatorie, whereby it
may be laAvfully cancelled, and he freed and for ever law-
fully discharged from the said dett of three hundreth
poundes, and of all penalties or forfaytures therevpon arising
or to arise at any tyme hereafter w'^'in one moneth and
iinediately ensewinge after my decease, w'''out fraud, cooven,
or delaye, that then I will, that after the deliverye of the
bond aforesaid, that all the said tenements lyinge and beinge
in the north-west end of Tuttell-streete aforesaid, devised to
my sonne Edmond, shalbe and remain fully and wholye to
my said wife Francis and to her heires for ever, as fully and
whollye as I had before appointed them to my said sonne
and his heirs, any gifte or graunt whatsoever to the con-
trary e in any wise notw^'standinge. Also, I will that the
said Francis my wife shall have all the plate, jewelles, and
houshold stuffe, of what nature soever, w'** are in the posses-
sion of me, in any place whereof the said Francis was pos-
sessed in the tyme of her widowhood by administration.
Item, I give and bequeath vnto Oliver Hackluit my brother,
the soine of tenn pounds, to be payd vnto him or his assignes
w***in one yeare next ensewing after my decease, tct be
bestowed amongste his sonnes at his owne discretion. Item,
I geve and bequeath to Joane Hackluit, daughter of the
said Oliver, other tenn pounds, to bee payed vnto her w"^in
two monethes nexte and imediatelye ensewinge after the day
of her mariage, the same beinge lawfully demauuded. Item,
I give vnto my sister Katherine Merer, dwellinge in Hol-
bourne, the soiiie of twentie pounds ; tenn pounds whereof I
will to be payed vnto her w"'in one moneth after my decease,
and the other tenn pounds w'^'in sixe monethes after my
decease. Item, I give and bequeath to John Morer, her
sonne, fiftie shillings, to be payed vnto him w'^'in one yeare
after my decease; and likewise other fiftie shillings to

)

148

APPENDIX.

Barbary Moorcr, her daughter, to be payed her also w"'in
one yeare after my decease. Item, I give to Mistris Longe,
dwellinge in the Tower, twentie shillinges. Also, to Mr.
Thomas Peters, and to his wife, to either of them, twentie
shillinges, which last three poundes I will shalbe payed
w'^'in oii(! yeare after my decease. Item, I give unto Mr.
Edward lligges twentie shillinges and my best cassock, de-
siringe him to preach a funerall sermon at my buriall.
Item, I geve to Mr. Collman, my curate, tenn shillinges and
my old gownc. Item, I geve to my sister Bacon tenn shil-
linges ; and to my servant, Thomas Button, tenn shillinges ;
and to Lionell Pearson, five shillinges ; and to Mary Upson,
three shillinges and four-pence. Also, I geve to the towns-
men of Wetheringset and Brockford, to be distributed to
the poore people, by the discretion of my executor and the
churchwardens for the tyme beinge, the soiiie of five markes,
to be payed w"'in one year after my decease. Item, I doe geve
to the right worshipfull coUedge of Westminster the soiiie of
five pounds, to be payed into the handes of the treasurer w**'in
sixe monethes after my decease, towards the r^payringe of the
north windowe of the said chmch. Also, whci eas I have a table,
a bedsted, and certaine furniture of hangings, pictures, and
other implements, in a chamber belonging to me in the Savoye,
I doe give and bequeath them all vnto the said howse, to the
use of the Dorturye their. Also, whereas I have at Bristow
sondry implements, hangings, and furniture their, in my lodg-
inge and chambers, I do freely geve all to the only vse and
benefitt of the said CoUedge, to be disposed at the discretion of
the right worshipfull Mr. Deane. Item, I geve to my cosen,
Thomas Hackluit, two dublets, two paire of britches, one of
my best shirts, and twenty shillings in money. I geve to
Oliver Cogram, my good friend, one of my old cassocks, an
old dublett, and a paii'e of old britches, and a paire of course
shetes. Further, I geve to my sister Katherine one of my
gownes, w"'' my sonne Edward thinketh good, and to be

Iso w"'in
s Longe,
, to Mr.
, twentie
)e payed
unto Mr.
sock, de-

buriall.
nges and
enn shil-
lillingcs ;
y Upson,
le towns-
buted to

and the
3 markes,
doe geve
e some of
irer w^'in
ige of the
re a table,
ures, and
e Savoye,
se, to the
t Bristow
my lodg-
y vse and
cretion of
my cosen,
!s, one of
I geve to
isocks, an
of course
le of my
tid to be

APPENDIX.

140

delivered before winter. Lastly, I geve to my lovinge cosen,
Mistris Dorotho Patrickson, the some of fyxc pounds, to be
payed vnto her w"'in six monthes after my decease. And
likewise I gcvc to the worshipfull Mr. John Davyes, her sonne,
the some of other five pounds, to be likewise payed him
w'^'in six moncthcs after my decease ; whom I heartclye in-
treate and apoint to be tlic only supravisour of this my last
will and testament, that accordingly, in all poynts, it may be
truelye and effectually pfourmed; whose counsailc I have
vsed heretofore in my two late purchases, of Bridge-place in
Suffolke, and my tenements in Tuttell Streete, as is afore
remembred. Also, I geve to Mr. Richard Ireland and to Mr.
Wilson, now scholemaster of Westminster, to either of them
tenn shillinges, as a token of my love and good will towards
them ; and to Michaell Locke the younger, other tenn shil-
linges. And I ordayne Edmond Hackluit, my sonne, my sole
and only executor of this my last will and testament, vnto
whome I geve hereby all my ready money, plate, Jewells,
billcs, bondes, debtts, and dutyes, howsholdstuiFe, goods,
cattell, come, implements, chatties, or whatsoever els to me
belongeth or appertayneth, to the end he shall paye my debts
and legacies, w''' all funerall expcnces, and vndertake the
proovinge of this my will, and all other things w'='' in right
belongeth to an executor. In Wettness whereof I have here-
vnto sett my hand and scale the day and yeare first above
written. By me, Richard Hakluyt, person, of Wetheringset.
These being witnesses : Edward Rigges, John Colman, David
Allshais.

Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London,
coram venerabili viro Magro Edmundo Pope, legum Doctore
Surrogato venerabilis viri Domini Johannis Benet, militis,
legum etiam Doctoris, Curie prerogative Cantuariensis Magri
Custodis sivc Comissarij legitime constituti, vicesimo tertio

^^^<

.0^.. \v -^^

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

Wmm ^^Sf^ %is A ^M; Amor '\ ^

1.0

1.1

lis

■^ 1^ |2.2

IIIIM

u itt

ftlUU

|4£

L25 III 1.4

1.6

<?%

^^^*

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

23 WeST MAIN STRKT

WEBSTIR,N.Y. 14SS0

(716)872-4503

•N5

150

APPENDIX.

die mensis Novembris^ anno Diii millessimo sexcentesimo
decimo sexto^ juramento Edmundi Hackluit^ filij nralis et
Itirai dicti defuncti^ et executoris in eodem testamento nomi-
nat'cui comissa fuit administraco bonorum, jurium et credi-
torum dicti defuncti, de bene et fideliter administrando,
etc., ad sancta Dei Evangelia jurat'.

Chas. Dyneley
John Iggulden
W. F. Gostling

Deputy
Registers.

151

sentesimo
nralis et

ito nomi-
et credi-

listrando,

ity
sters.

Bibl. Bodl. MS. Arch. Seld. B. 8.

THE CHIEFE PLACES WHERE SONDRY

of spices do growe in the East Indies, gathered out

of sondiy the best and latest authours, by

R. Hakluyt.

SORTE ™--t.^

February,
1600.

The places where Peper groweth.

The greatest parte of the peper hrowght hy the Portugales
out of the East Indies unto Lisbon, groweth in the country
of Malabar, and is embarqued at the townes of Onor, Bar-
zclor, Mangalor, Cananor, Crangenor, Cochin, and Coulan.
All which places are in the Portugalas possession. It groweth
also about Crilicut ; but the kinge of Calicut and they are
seldome in amity.

Places yielding Peper out of the Portugales iurisdiction.

First, in the Isle of Zeilon, — Cossar Fredrick,^ Cap. de Zei-
lon, and John Huighen van Linschoten.^

1 The title of the English edition of this work is " The Voyage and
Travaile of M. Caesar Frederick, Merchant of Venice, into the East
India, the Indies, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are contained very
pleasant and rare matters, with the customes and rites of those countries.
Also heerein are discovered the merchandises and commodities of those
countreyes, as well the aboundaunce of goulde and siluer, as spices,
drugges, pearles, and other jewelles. Written at sea in the Hercules of
London. Gomming from Turkic this 25 of March 1588." London,
1688, 4to. This is a translation from an Italian original, which was pub-
lished at Venice in 1687, in 8vo., under the title " Viaggio di M. Gesare
de i Federici nell' India Orientale e oltra V India. Nelquale ... si descri-
vano le spetiarie, droghe, gioie e perle che d'essi si cayano." etc.

• " John Huighen van Linschoten, his discours of voyages into y« Easte
and West Indies. Devided into foure Bookes. Printed at London by
John Wolfe." This work was published originally in Dutch, from which
the above translation was made by William Phillip.

152

APPENDIX.

Out of the
first voiuge
of the Hoi-
anders, in
Latin and
French, cap.
15&30.

Places where Peper groweth in the Isle of Sumatra.

1. Daia 6. Audragiri

2. Achen 7. Jambe

3. Pedir 8. Speriamon

4. Pacem 9. Baros

5. Camper 10. Dampin.

Places where Peper groweth in the Isle of laua Maior. Otit of the
first voyage of the Hoi., cap. 16 and 20.^

1. Pariban

2. Cheruguin

3. Buama

4. Labuan

5. Cherola

6. Charita

7. Meleassari

8. Cangabaia

9. Chuconin

10. Anier

11. Bantam

12. Punctan

13. Panarucan; where longe
peper groweth, as also in
Pegu and Bangala, Gona.
de Ouied,^ and Cas. Fred.,
in the end of this dis-
course.

Peper also groweth in Queda, on the Maine of Malaca,
over against Achen. Linsch., cap. 17; and the 1 Voy. of the
Hoi., cap. 17.

It groweth also in the kingdome of Patane, on the east
side of the sayde Maine of Malaca. Hist, of China,^ cap. 22.

1 " Premier livre de I'histoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orientales
par les Hollandois, etc. Plus les Monnoyes, Espices, Drogues et Mar-
chandises et le pris d'icelles, etc. Par G. M. A. W. L." Amstelredam,
1598. fol. A very indifferent abridgment of this account was published
in English, under the following title : " The description of a Toyagc
made by certaine ships of Holland into the East Indies. With their
adventures and successe : together with the description of the countries,
towues, and inhabitantes of the same, etc. Translated out of Dutch
into English by W. P." The translator is William Phillip.

s " Oviedo de la natural hystoria de las Indias." Toledo, 1526, fol.

s (( The Historie of vhe great and mightie kingdome of China and the

APPENDIX.

153

it of the

onge
so in
Gons.

dis-

f Malaca,
^oy, of the

1 the east
,^ cap. 22.

Orientales
les et Mar-
mstelredam,
IS published
of a voyage
With their
le countries,
it of Dutch

1526, fol.
lina and the

It groweth likewise in the kingdome of Siam. Ibidem.
Also it groweth in the territories neere Malaca. Linsch.,
cap. 62.

Item. There groweth excellent peper in the Isles of Nicu-
bar, somewhat to the north of Sumatra. Hist. China, cap. 25.

There groweth also longe peper in the Isle of Baratene, as
appeareth by the testimony of Sir Frances Drake, in the 3rrf
volume of my English Voiages, pag. 741.

The price of peper may be read in Linsch., pag. 161.

The places where Sinamon groweth.

The best sinamon groweth in the Isle of Zeilon, the kinge
whereof is the Portugales mortall enemy j where, neuerthe-
less, they have a small forte, called Colombo. C(BS. Fred.,
Cap. de Zeilon.

Wild sinamon^ called by the Portugales Canella de Mato,
groweth in the Malabar, on the back side of Cochin, and is
browght in greate quantitye into Europe for the best.
Linsch., cap. 14.

In the Isles of Nicubar, lying to the north-west of Suma-
tra, between the latitude of 6 and 10 degrees, are many trees
of sinamon, which is the best in all the world, and is sold at
a small price. Hist. China, cap. 25.

Likewise there groweth in the islande of Java, and on the
maine by Malaca. Linsch., cap. 63.

The places where Cloves do growe.

Cloves do growe in the isles of Maluco, namely in Tarenate,
Tidore, Motelo, Machian, Bachian, Alatua ; on the north-
west end of the Isle of Ceiran, and in the isles of Ambonio.

situation thereof. Togither with the great riches, huge citties, politike
governement, and rare inventions in the same. Translated out of Spanish
by R. Parke. London : Printed by J. Wolfe, 1588," 4to.
The above is a translation from the Spanish of Gonzalez de Mendoza.

154

APPENDIX.

In the isles of Tidore and Ambonio the Portugales have
two small fortes, as appeareth by the greate Italian map,
taken in the Madre di Dies, which I have translated and
caused to be drawne for the Company.

Great store of cloves are to be sold in Bantam.

Cloves are also browght from Siam to Malaca. Hist. Chin.,
cap. 22.

The places where Nuttmegges and Mace do growe.

Nuttmegges and maces grow chiefly in the Isle of Banda
and the seven small isles thereto adjoyninge.

They likewise grow in three other islands greater then
Banda, lyinge to the north-west thereof, called Ama, Liazer,
and Bucellas. As appeereth out of the foresayd greate
Italian map.

Nuttmegges also come from the greate Isle of Borneo.
Hist. Chin., cap. 22.

Sir Frances Drake found nuttmeggs, ginger, and longe
peper, growing in the Isle of Baratave. Vol. 3 of my Eng.
Voi., pag. 741.

Nuttmeggs also grow in the isles of Java and Sunda.
Linsch., cap. 66.

Places where Camphora groweth.

The best camphora groweth in canes, in the Isle of Borneo.

It groweth also about Chinchen, in a citty of China.

It groweth likewise in the isles of Sumatra and Java. It
is much used in medicines, and is one of the richest wares of
India. Linsch., cap. 80, and the 1 Voy. of the Hoi., pag. 14.

Anil, or Indico.

It groweth in Cambaya; but is sold good cheape in
Bantam, the chiefe citty of Java. 7%e 1 Voy. of the Hoi.,
pag. 20. -

igales have
;aliaa map,
islated and

Hist. Chin.,

ne.

[e of Banda

;reater then
imsk, Liazer,
sayd greate

of Borneo.

', and longe
of my Eng.

and Sunda.

e of Borneo.
China,
id Java. It
lest wares of
M., pag. 14.

1 cheape in
, of the Hoi.,

APPENDIX. 155

Amber.

It is fownd on the coaste of Africa, about Gofala, Mozam- ^'X'^°/
bique, and MaUnde.» SSt S^'' ''

It is also fownd neere the isles of Maldivar, as likewise on best. "
the coast of China. lAnsch., cap. 70.

Much is browght also from the West Indies, and from the
coast of Florida, which is of two sorts, — ^liquid amber, and
clare amber.

Muske.

Muske cometh from Tartaric and from China. It is often
falsified by the Chinois and Jewes. Ctes. Fred., pag. 38, and
Limch., cap. 70.

Civet.

Civet, called by the Portugales, Algalia, is fownd in Ben-
gala, which the people falsifie ; but the best cometh from the
Nina, on the coast of Guinie, and from the isles of Cabo verde.
Linsch., cap. 70.

Beniamin.

Beniamin groweth much in the kingdome of Siam, and also
in the island of Sumatra, and in the isles of Java, and in the
country neere unto Malaca. There are two sorts, white and
black. The black is best, which groweth out of the youngest
trees. Linsch., cap. 71. It is one of the costliest druggs of
all the East, because it excelleth all other in sweetenes.

Frankincense.

Frankincense, called in Latin, Thus, groweth in Arabia
Felix. The best is white, like drops, and is called the male ;
the worst is black : both are the gume of a tree. Linsch.,
cap. 72.

^ Melinda.

15G

APPENDIX.

Myrrhe.

Myrrhe groweth like beniamin and frankincense, and
commeth out of Arabia Felix, and out of the contry of the
Abassins.' Ibidem.

Manna.

Manna commeth out of Arabia and Persia, but most out of
the province of Usbeke, lyinge behind Persia, in Tartaric.
There be four sorts thereof • 1, whitish ; 2, reddish ; 3, that
which commeth in greate peces, with the leaves among it ;
the 4th kind is browght in lether bags, and is melted like
hony, and is of a white coulor. Linsch., cap. 73.

Bheubarbe.

Bheubarb groweth about Campion, a province and citty
lyinge north of China. It is most brought by land through
the contry of Usbeke, lyinge to the east of Persia in Tar-
taric, and adjoyuing to Persia on the back side of India, and
so commith to Ormus, and thence to Sumatra and Java.
The best is browght, for the most parte, over land to Venice.
Read Ramusius, in the preface of his 2 volume.

Rheubarb also groweth abundantly in the country of Ma-
labar.

It also commeth from Cathaio or China to Malaca, by
water. Ramus., vol. ii, cap. 323, and Linsch., cap. 37.

Sandalo, or Sanders.

Sandalo, or sanders, are of three sorts, white, yellow, and
red. The white and the yellow, which is the best, come from
the islands of Timor and Solor, and another island next ad-
joyninge on the west, whether the Captaine of Malaca sendeth

' Ab^ssiuians.

APPENDIX.

157

cense^ and
itry of the

most out of
tt Tartarie.
sh ; 3, that
among it;
[nelted like

B and citty
nd through
sia in Tar-
' India^ and

and Java.

to Venice.

try of Ma-

yialaca, by
37.

y^ellow, and
come from
id next ad-
ica sendeth

yearly a shippe. C<bs. Fred., fo. 19. The red sanders grow in
Coromandel and Tenasseri^ on the coast of Pegii. Limch.,
cap. 74.

Snakewood, or Palo da cobra.

Snakeweed, or Palo da cobra, groweth most in the Isle of
Zeilon. One ounce thereof, bruised and mixed with water,
is good against all poison and sicknes, and the stinginge of
snakes, wherof it hath the name. Wherfore it is now
much browght and carryed into all countryes, especially into
Portugale, and thence hether. Linsch., cap. 75.

Lignum Aloes, or Calamba.
The lignum aloes, which, in India, is called Calamba, and
Palo d'aguilla, is most plentifuU in Malaca, in the Isle of Su-
matra, Camboya, Siam, and the contries borderinge on the
same. The best and finest is called Calamba; and the other,
Palo d'aguilla. The Calamba, yf it be good, is sold by
weight against sillver and gold. Linsch., cap. 76.

The Root of China.

The roote of China beinge a most sovereigne remidie
against the French poxe, is very common, and so good cheape
in the Indies, that it is not worth above halfe a i ; . :lao the
pound, which is a teston and a halfe of Portugale . ioney.
The best rootes are the blackest, with few knotts, and white
within. They grow in no place but in China. Linsch.,
cap. 77.

Of opium, famarindi, mirabolans, spikenard, aloe zoco-
trina, anacardi, calamus aromaticus, costus, cubebes, galanga,
etc., read Linsch., from the 78 to the 83 chapter, where you
shall find their proper names in the Indies, the places where
they growe, the several kindes of them, their uses, prices, etc.

I i-

158

APPENDIX.

Of the Beverall prices of precious stones and spices^ with
their weights and measures, as they were accustomed to be
sold by the Moores and Gentiles, as also of the places where
they growe, I have 3 severall treatises : one of Bamusius, in
Italian and English ; the second, of Cses. Fred., in English ;
and the third, in my first volume of English Voyages.

Of the prices of pearles and certeine pretious stones, I
delivered your worships a note in Portugese and English, and
more may be fownd therof in Linschot., cap. 84 and 91.

Likewise I have delivered you a catalogue of the severall
commodities good for the East Indies, wherof sence I have
fownd a greater nomber. I have also provided for you two
copies of that large Italian intercepted map of the Malucos,
the notes wherof, for the better understandinge, are trans-
lated into English.

I have also large notes, of 20 yeares observation, concern-
inge the north-west passage, which your worships shall com-
mand, yf you shall have occasion to use the same.

Diamants ' perfect, of one graine lavardos de

toto fundo,' are worth 3 milreis' -
Diamants of 1^ graine are worth
Diamants of 2 graines are worth
Diamants of 2^ graines are worth
Diamants of 3 graines are worth
Diamants of 3^ graines are worth
Diamants of 1 quilate are worth

HE AS.

3,000
4,000
8,000

- 10,000

- 15,000
18 and 20,000

- 25,000

Dimants of this sorte, perfect in all their grownds, are of

^ The "notes" from this place to the end of the section will be found
repeated in substance at p. 162.

* See this term explained at p. 162, where it is rendered " wrought
throughout". It means, properly, cut the same on the under as on the
upper side.

^ A milrcis is worth 5s. 7^d.

pices, with
»iucd to be
aces where
unusius, in
tn Enghsh ;
!iges.

IS stones, I
Inglish, and
.nd 91.
the severall
ence I have
for you two
he Malucos,
1, are trans-

)n, concem-
s shall com-

11EA3.

3,000
4,000
8,000
10,000
15,000
ad 20,000
25,000
nrnds, are of

will be found

sred "wrought
ider as on the

APPENDIX.

150

this vallew ; yf they bo of a greater weight they go by qui-

lates,i and rise double in vallew.

Diamants chapas,^ which are to be bought, and gaiue made

in workinge them.

Diamants chapas, 3 to a quilate, worth 6,000

reis 6,000

Diamants of 4 to a quilate, worth - - 5,000
Diamants of 5 to a quilate, worth from 3 to 4,000

Diamants of 1 quilate, worth - . . 10,000
Diamants of 2 to a quilate, worth - - 10,000

Diamants of 15 to a quilate, worth, being

pointed, 3,000

Rubies, being perfect, of 5 and 6 in a quilate,

worth 6,000

Rubies of 4 to a quilate, worth 20 crusados^ - 8,000

Rubies of 2 to a quilate, worth 30 crusados - 12,000

Rubies of 1 quilate, worth 30 crusados - 12,000

Towchinge rubies, sometime they be at a high rate, and
sometime at a lower, these ought to be perfect in all respects,
and to be bought as good cheape as you may.

Pearles of 1 graine are worth 1 vintaine,* yf reis.

they be perfect 20

Pearles of 1^ graine, worth halfe a tostorne - 050
Pearles of 2 graines, worth 2 rialls, beinge

perfect - - - - . . 080

Pearles of 2i graines, worth 5 rialls - - 200

Pearles of 3 graines, worth 8 rialls - - 320

Pearles of 3^ graines, worth 10 rialls - - 400
Pearles of 1 quilate, beinge 4 graines, worth

12 rialls 480

) A quilate is four grains, or one carat.

' Table diamonds.

> A crusado is worth 2s. 3d.

* A vintin is of the value of l^d. or not quite three halfpence.

ino

APPENDIX.

Pcarlca of 5 graincs, worth 15 rialls - - 600
Fcarlcs of ^ quilatc, bcingo 6 graincs^ worth

20 rialls 800

Pearlcs of 7 graincs, worth 8 crusudos - - 1,200

Pcarlcs of 2 quilatcs, 8 grainea, worth 2 milries 2,000

Pearles of 9 graincs, worth 7 crusados - - 2,800
Fcarles of 2^ quilatc, 10 graincs, worth 10

crusados 4,000

Pearlcs of 1 1 graincs, worth ... 5,000

Pcarlcs of 3 quilatcs, worth ... 6,000

Pcarlcs of 13 graincs, worth 20 crusados - 8,000

Pcarlcs of 3^ quilates, worth 30 crusados - 12,000

Pcarlcs of 15 graincs, worth 40 crusados - 16,000

Pearlcs of 4 quilates, worth 70 crusados - 28,000

Pearlcs of 17 graincs, worth 90 crusados - 36,000

Pcarles of 4 quilates and i, worth 110 crusados 41<,000

Pearlcs of 19 graines, worth 130 crusados - 54,000

Pcarles of 5 quilates, worth 150 crusados - 600,000

These pcarles ought to be perfect in all respects. Towch-
inge the buying of these pearlcs, it must be accordinge to the
time, and they may be bowght at sometime cheaper then at
another ; for a man may gaine by them according to the
vallew and estimation that every person hath of them, for
they be things without certeinc limits or estimation, and are
esteemed accordinge to the time.

A REMEMBRANCE of what is good to bring from the Indyas
into Spayne, beinge good marchandize, and bowght by him
that is skillfull and trusty.

Small seede pearrell, naturall white, of the first size. Of
the same sorte, of the second size. Small sede pearrell, of
the same sorte, of the 3rd size. And of the 4th size, which

APPENDIX.

101

600

800
1,200
2,000
2,800

4,000

5,000

6,000

8,000
12,000
16,000
28,000
30,000
44,000
54,000
600,000

Towch-
nge to the
ler then at
ng to the
them, for
n, and are

he Indyas
it by him

size. Of
earrell, of
ize, which

is called Anc. Of the 5th and 6th Hortc, which hatli not
croase nor yellow. Small pcarrcU of the 7th and 8th size.

Small sede pearrcU, that is called Ane ervell ; let it be of
the largest you can gett.

Bringe no sede pearle of the first 2 nor 3 size, but bringc
of the 4th sorte, for they yeld more proffitt and gaine then
other sizes.

Rubis, perfect of coullor, of 5 or 6 cnfanos.' Yf you can
find any good saphires, well couUored or white, bcinge bowght
chcape and cleane, they will yeld greate gayne.

Diamondes bought by him that hath knowledge of the now
or old cutt, or poynted, being cleane, from 3 to 6 in man-
gellin.

Diamondes, pojrnted, from 1 to 2 mangelins.' And rubis,
beinge perfect, yf ye find any, buy them accordinge to the
state of the contry, for in these things there is no certeinc
price, but they are things that yeld most proffitt.

Heere follow the prizos.

Small pearle, naturall, of the first size, are worth heerc,
8,000 or 10,000 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the sccondo
size, 6,000 or 7,000 res. The 3rd and 4th size arc worth
4,500 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the 5th and 6th size
are worth heere, this yeare, 2,200 res. The 7th and 8th size,
1,100 res. Small pearle, called Ane ervell, hath no liuiitted
price, but are esteemed according to the greatncs and good-
nes of them, and are of many prizes.

Pearle of the 4th size are sold heere for 30 and 35 ryalls
and 40, accordinge to their wayght. Rubis of 5 or 6 infanos,
being perfect, are worth heere 5 or 6000 res.

You must vnderstand, that things naturall, and espinellas,^

' For the explanation of this word, see post, p. 1G5.
' The word mangalis, or mangelim, is here the same as the quilatc or
carat, but it is also used to express five, six, or seven and a half grains.
* A kind of ruby.

162

APPENDIX.

that are large and good, are to be bowght the best cheape
you can gett them, for they have no certeyn prize.

Yf you can find any araatistes or jacincts, buy them in
like sorte as you can.

Diamondes of 3 in mangelin rongs, are worth 6,000 res. ;
of the 4th in laangelin, 5,000 res.

Diamondes of 5 and of 6 in mangelin, are worth 3 and
4,000 res.

Diamondes of 15 in mangeUin, pointed, 3,000 res. Dia-
mondes of 1 mangellin, 8 and 10,000 res.

Diamondes of 2 mangellins, 15,000 res. These thinges
are worth more or lesse, accordinge to the times ; but these
are the best marchandize for stones.

Diamondes wrought throughout.

Diamondes wrought of every side, of 1 grayne, are worth
3,000 res j of 1 graine 4, 4,000 res.

Diamondes of 3 graines are worth 8,000 res. Diamondes
of 2^ graines are worth 10,000 res.

Diamondes of 3 graines, 15,000 res.

Diamondes of 3| [graines], 20,000 res.

Diamondes of 1 quartine, which is 4 graines, are worth
25,000 res. Diamondes of this sorte, beinge perfect, and
wrought on every side, are the things most esteemed ; and
the bigger sizes are worth in vallew by waight. Diamondes
rough are so to be bought that I may gaine by workinge of
them.

Diamondes rough, of 3 quartines, which is 12 graines,
6,000 res.

Diamondes rough, of 4 quartaines, are worth 5,000 res.

Diamondes of 5 quartaines are worth 4,000 res.

Diamondes of 1 quartaine, and of 2 pointed, are worth
10,000 res.

Rubis perfect of 5 or 6 quartines, are worth 6,000 res.

Rubis of 4 quartines, 8,000 res.

best cheape

ly them in

6,000 res. ;

i^orth 3 and

I res. Dia-

ese thinges
; but these

1, are worth
Diamondes

are worth
erfect, and
smed; and

Diamondes
mrkinge of

2 graincs,

000 res.

are worth

)0 res.

APPENDIX.

163

Bubis of 2 quartaines are worth 30 Ds.^

Rubis of 1 quartine, 30 Ds. Towchinge rubis, they are
bought cheaper, or deerer, as time serves, but they must be
perfect in all perfection.

Prizes of Pearles.

Pearles beinge perfect of 1 graine are worth 20 res.

Pearles of 1^ graines, 50 res.

Pearles of 2 graines are worth 80 res.

Pearles of 2J graines are worth 200 res.

Pearles of 3 graines, 320 res. Of 3^ graines, 400 res.

Pearles of a quartine, being 4 graines, 480 res.

Pearles of 5 graines are worth 600 res.

Pearles of 6 graines, 800 res. Pearles of 7 graines, 1,200 res.

Pearles of 2 quartines, 2,000 res.

Pearles of 9 graines, 2,800 res.

Pearles of 10 graines, 4,000 res.

Pearles of 11 graines, 5,000 res.

Pearles of 3 quartines, 6,000 res.

Pearles of 13 graines, 8,000 res.

Pearles of 3 quartines i, 12,000 res.

Pearles of 15 graines, 16,000 res.

Pearles of 4 quartines, 28,000 res.

Pearles of 17 graines, 36,000 res.

Pearles of 4 quartines i, 44,000 res.

Pearles of 19 graines, 54,000 res.

Pearles of 5 quartines, 600,000 res.

These pearles must be perfect in all perfection ; towchinge
their prizes, it wilbe accordinge to the time ; but they are
things much esteemed; buy them as cheape as yc.i can.

Nicholas,

SOBRAS,
* Ducados.

R' —

164

APPENDIX.

A REMEMBRANCE of suche tilings as are good marchandize
to bringe from the Est Indies into Spayne, beinge bought
by a skyllfull and trusty factor.'

Aliofre," or perles of the first sorte or size.

Aliofre of the second sort.

Aliofre of the third sort.

Aliofre of the fourthe sort, which is called Ane.

Aliofre of the 5 and 6 sorte, which have no Calixo, nor is
not yellow.

Aliofre of the 7 and 8 sorte.

Aliofre, which is called Ane ervel, which must be of the
bigest sort that can be gotten.

Bringe not into Europe any Perles of the first, second, or
third sort, but those of the 4th sorte, in which there is more
gayne then in the others.

Tf buy Kubies perfect of hart, of 5 or 6 Enfanon, beinge
about 2 caratts of Venice weight.

Saphires good of hart or white, and cleane, and baratas,
wherin a marchant may do much good.

Diamondes bought by one that hath skill of the new or
old rockes, which have their chapas and pointes cleane, from
3 to 6 in a mangalin, beinge § of a carate. Diamondes
pointed from one mangali, unto 3 mangalis, and rubies per-
fect, which must go together with them, which must be
bought accordinge to the custome of the country, for heerin
there is no certeine price sett downe, and these are the
commodities wherein a man may do most good accordinge
to the time.

The severall prices of pearles, rubies, saphires, spinels,
amatists, jacynthes, or ballasses.

^ This section is substantially the same as the first page and a half of
that which precedes it : as there are some variations, however, it has
been thought advisable not to omit this part of the manuscript.

" A corruption of the Portuguese and Spanibh word Aljofar, which is
again a corruption of the Arabic word El Jauhar.

APPENDIX.

165

rchandize
;e bought

1X0, nor IS

; be of the

second, or
ere is more

ion, beinge

id baratas,

the new or
eane, from

liamondes
ubies per-
must be

for heerin
Ise are the

accordinge

3S, spinels.

land a half of
rever, it has
Ept.
tfar, which is

Aliofre nataraon, or pearles of the first jueira or size,
beinge perfect, are worth 8,000 and 10,000 reyos the ounce.

Aliofre of the second sort are worth from 6,000 to 7,000
reies the ounce.

Aliofre of the 3rd and 4th sorte are woorth 4,500 reies.

Aliofre of the 5th and 6th sorte were sold this yeare at
2,200 reies.

Aliofre of the 7th and 8th sorte is sold, and is worth heere
1,100 reies.

Aliofre Ane Cruel (or seede pearle) hath no certeine price,
because it is sold accordinge to the bignes and goodnes
therof, and is of many prices.

Pearles of the 4th sorte are sold in the Indies at 30 reies,
at 35 reies, and at 40 reies^ accordinge to their difference in
weight.

Kubies which be perfect, of 5 and 6 to an enfanon (beinge
a kind of weight which conteineth about 2 carates of Venice
weight), are worth 5,000 or 6,000 reies.

Saphieres are at uncerteine prices, which a man must buy
as good cheape as he may.

Good and greate spinells, beinge a kind of base rubies,
must be bought as good cheape as you may, for they are not
sold at any certeine price.

Amatistes, or jacinthes, and balasses, are bought after the
same manner.

Diamants of 3 to a mangalin beinge chapas, are sold at
6,000 reies ; of 4 to a mangalin, 5,000 reies ; of 5 and 6 to
a mangalin, they are worth from 3,000 to 4,000 reies.

Diamondes of 15 to a mangalin, beinge pointed, are sold
at 3,000 reies.

Diamantes of one mangalin are worth from 8,000 to
10,000 reies.

Diamantes of 2 mangalins are worth 15,000 reies.
At certeine times the prices of these juells riseth and
fallcth, but these arc the best marchundize of all other juells.

Safrun.

Sacks, Ca-
iiarie wyne,
Malnieyies,
Oyle Olive,
Uulland
cloth, Cam-
liricke.

166

APPENDIX.

NOTES OP CERTAYNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN
the East Indies, the MalucoeS| and China, gathered out

of the last and best authours which have lived and
trafficked in those parts, by Richard Hakluyt.

Out of Ccesar Frederiche, a Venetian, who lived 18 yeres in many
parts of the East Indies.

Velvets, damasks, satins, armesine of Portugal, which is a
kind of silke taifata, safron and skarlets. — -fol. 10, pag. 2.

The ships that come from the streight of the Red Sea or
Mecca, bring to Pegu and Sivion woUen cloth (made at
Venice, of these coullours, to witte, murrey, violet, red-
mosine, skarlet, light or grasse greene), skarlets, velvets,
opinno or affron, and chekines of gold.— /o/. 32, pag. 1, and
fol.S6,p. 1.

Bracelets of elephants teeth of diverse colours, much
esteemed. — -fol. 6, pag. 2.

The money of Pegu called Gansa, is made of copper and
lead, which two mettals raay therefore prove good marchan-
dize.— fol. 32, pag. 2.

Notes of Commodities fit for the East Indies. Out of John
Iliii/ffen Van Linschoten.

Wyne, as sacks, canarie wyne, and malmesies. — pag. 4.

Oyle of olives. — pagina 4.

Holland cloth and cambricke good marchandize in Jaua.
— p. 54.

Wollen cloth good marchandize in China. — pag. 40.

Reals of 8, wyne, both Portugale and Indian, oyles of
olive greatly desired, velvet, cloth of skarlet (whereof they
have none, nor yet can make any, although they have both
sheepe and woU inough), looking glasse, ivorie, al kind of
cristal, and glasse, arc wcl sold in ChinsL.— pagina 44.

APPENDIX.

167

IQUEST IN
Bred out
Eind

9 in many

, which is a

led Sea or
L (made at
violet, red-
sts, velvets,
pag. 1, and

lurs, much

jopper and
marchan-

■ John

lag. 4.

ze in Jaua.

(.40.

i, oyles of
[ereof they
[have both
lal kind of
I44.

Emraulds, wrought and unwrought, very gayneful mar-
chandize to bee carried to India, Pegu, and other places,
brought thither from Cairo, and the Spanish Indies, which
in these oriental parts are much womc and esteemed : So
that many Venetians that have travayled thither with em-
raidds, and bartered them for rubies, are become very rich,
because amonge them men had rather have them then
rubies. — -pag. 134.

Costly wares carried from Turkie into India by the
Streight of Mecca.— jao^. 214.

Notes out of The Iliatorie of China, in English.

Noe wollen cloth is made in China. — pag. 20.

Spanish wollen cloth much esteemed in China. — pag. 163.

Helmets of tynne gilded over, wome in China. — pag. 188.

Notes out of Mr. Lancaster's Vojage, printed in the second
volume of Richard Hakhiyt.

There were found in the galeon of Malacca, which Mr.
Lancaster tooke in the entrance of the Streight of Sincapura,
300 butts of canarie wynes, al kind of haberdash ware, as
hats, redde caps knit of Spanish wol, worsted stockings knit, Hau, ie.i
which are wome of the mastizoes, shooes, velvets, taffataes, stnckinj<s,
chamlets, and silks. Aboundance of suckets, Venice glasses
of al sorts, certayne papers of counterfeiete stones, which an
Italian brought from Venice to deceve the rude Indians
withal, abundance of playing cards, 2 or 3 packs of French
paper. — pag, 107.

Notes of Commodities carried by the Hollanders in their first
voyage, printed in folio in Latino and French.^

Hatchets good marchandise aboute the Cape of Bona Hatciiets.
Sperane. Barres of yron. — -fol. 4, pag. 2.

1 It was also printed at Amsterdam, in Dutch, in the same year (1508),
in which the French and Latin editions appeared.

168

APPENDIX,

White and
red woUcn
caps.

Tytine
spoones.

Lynen

linnilkcr-

vhiefii.

I.viien
cloth.

Jet

Shirts redie
made.

Cuffu is a
silke made
in Naples
and Flo-
rence, colled
Tnbydi Nea-
polls, like
unrased vel-
vet, blacke,
greene, and
peach color.

On the cost of Madagascar.

Beades.— /ofto 5, pag. 2.

White and redde wollen caps.— /ofto 5 and 6.

Little looking glasses^ red caps, beads, tynne spoones,
much esteemed in the river of St. Augustine on the north-
west parte of the Isle of Madagascar.— /oft'o 7.

A fayre oxe given for a tynne spoone. — fol. 7, pag. 2.

Three or 4 sheepe given for one tyn spoone. — -fol, 7.

A yong girle offred for a tynne spoone.— /o/. 8, p. 2.

Lynen hankerchiefe, beads, and bracelets, good wares in
the isle of St. Marie on the coste of Madagascar. — fol. 10.

Earings, beads, small looking glasses, drinking glasses. —
fol. 10, p. 2.

Pynnes. — folio 11.

Wollen cloth esteemed.— /o/io 11.

Lynen cloth straked in use.— /o/io 11.

Beads, chaplets, and bracelets. — folio 12.

Spanish wyne greately desired in the bay of Antengil in
Madagascar. — folio 12, pag. 2.

Fyne lynen cloth. — folio 12, etc.

Bracelets of brasse. — folio 12, pag. 1.

Bracelets of tynne or false silver.— /o/io 13, pag. 2.

Greene glasse bracelets much esteemed.— /oZio 14.

Jet bracelets, rings, earings, beads, like to be good mar-
chandise, which are chiefely to bee had in England.

Commodities uttered in Sumatra, Jaua, and Baly.

Lynen cloth in request in Sumatra. — folio 16.

Shirts redie made.— /oZio 18, pag. 2.

Knives exchanged for spices. — folio 18, pag. 2.

Eight elnes of greene caffa, given for a present to the
Admiral and Sabandar of Bantan.— /oZio 19, pag. 2.

Three small Norumberge looking glasses, exchanged for
a great jarre of moyst Indico. — folio 20, jmg. 2.

APPENDIX.

169

spoones,
he north-

ig.2.
1.7.
p. 2.

wares in
-fol. 10.
glasses. —

ntengil in

2.
4.
rood mar-

it to the
mgecl for

Tiny luiii-
Ulc tliiii-
siifroii Willi
oylc iliiit u
dry not.

The presents given to the viceroy, were christiil vessels, a
gilded looking glasse, and a piece of skarlet. — foL 20, p. 1.

Greene velvet and skarlet given to the viceroy. — fol. 20,
p. 2.

Drinking glasses given to the viceroy.— /o^. 21, p. 2.

Blacke and reddc cloth worno by the noblemen. — fol. 27,
p. 1.

Armor some what like shirts of mayle, used in Bantam. —
fol. 27, p. 2.

Waxe sold by weight in fiantam. — folio 28. wax..

Tynne and leade. — folio 28, pa(/. 2.

Saffron much used by the Javans in their meate and
rice. — fol. 39.

Yron and lead much desired in the isle Lebock,' on the
north syde of Jaua. — /o/eo 43, paff. 2.

The greate desire of yron in other places. — fol. iA!,pay. 1.

Wrought velvet, red coral, christal glasses, looking glasses, k. .i cmi.
sent to the king of the isle of Baly. — fol. 47, pug. 2.

Greate store of gold in Baly.— /o/. 4:8, pag. 1.

Notes out of The Hollanders Second Voyage to Jaua and the isles
of the Malucoes, begon 15!)8 and ended IfiOO."

There presents to the kinge of Bantaii were, A fay re
covered cuppe of silver and gilt, certayne velvets and cloth
of sylke, very fine drinking glasses, excellent fyne looking
glasses. — pag. 6.

Pewter and other weres. — pag. 7.

Belles.— ^a^. 8. b.iks.

1 Lubock.

2 " The Journall, or Jayly register, contayning a true manifestation
and historical declaration of the voyage accomplished by eight shippes
of Amsterdam, under the conduct of Jacob Corneliszen Neck, admirall,
and Wybrandt van Warwick, vice-admirall, which sayled from Amster-
dam the first day of March 1598. London, 1601," 4to. This is a trans-
lation from the Dutch, of which we have only been able to see editions
printed subsequently to the above version.

i\ \i

170

APPENDIX.

Notes out of The laat Voyage of the Hollanders
to the McUticoea.^

Yron nayles and spikes good marchandise. — fol. 29,
pag. 2.

* This, most probably, refers to the secoad voyage to the east, by Van
Neck, an account of which was published under the title " Kort ends
waerachtigh verhacl van de tweede Schipvaerd, by de Hollanders op
Ost-Indien gedaen, onder den Heer Admirael Jacob van Neck, getogeu
uyt het Journael van Roelof Roelofsz, vermaendcr op' t Schip Amsterdam
ende doorgaens uyt andere Schryvers vermeerdert."

CERTAYNE NOTES GATHERED OF SUCH AS HAVE HAD

much familiaritie with the Portugales that trade in the

East Indies, by Richard Hakluyt.

1. Yron wyer.

2. Axes and hatchets heads.

3. Cutting hookes.

4. Ivory combes and boxe combes.

5. Spectacles.

6. Amber of Danske yelowe in greate request.

7. Emraulds wrought.

8. Saphires.

9. Waxe candles used in there mesquitoes and pagodes.

10. False sylver lace and false sylver threed.

11. False gold lace and false gold threed in greate quan-
titie, to decke there hangings and garments.

AFl'KNDIX.

12. Cruses or potts of red and white earth, such as they
melt jjfold and sylver in, packed up in brau in pipes and
barcls.

A jueller, a payuter, and certayue musisiaus, are very
uecesaarie for the voyage.

But above al others, a trustie interpretour in the Eastcrne
Arabian tongue ; for by using the Portugal tonge, you are
in greate danger of being betrayed, as the Hollanders were
7 tynies in their first voyage.

Yf you goe
without a
smitl hBrko
01- a, I
uompte your
voyage baire
over-

thrownc, be-
fore yon gi)e
foorth.

THE END.

mCBABUS, PUINIEB, 100, ST. MaUIIN 8 L&NE.

Si'

INDEX.

Abelfada (iHiiiaul), nee Abulftida
Abulfuda (iHniail Ibn Ali), geogra-

J>hical workH, xlii ; birth, etc., 3
aiiiB (Clement), 3

Aithonus, see Hayto

Alexander VI, ropo, grant to Spain
in 1493of theWeatern Hemisphere,
42

America, " Divers voyages touching
tlie diacoverie of", dcHcription of
this work, xxxvi ; (Utile attempts to
colonize America, xcv ; arguments
in favour of sending colonies to, from
England, 8, 9 ; names of commodities
growing in some parts of, 139

Anghiera (Pietro Martire), works,
xliv ; birth, etc., 3

Barbosa (Duarte), works, Ivii ; birth,
etc., 5

Barros (Joao de), works, Iviii ; birth,
etc., 5 ; account of, 9 ; said to have
caused Brazil to be colonized by the
Portuguese, 9 ; this statement doubt-
fid, ib.

Belleforest (Francois), works, 1 ; birth,
etc., A

Benjamin, TudeUnsis, works, lii ; birth,
etc., 5

Best (George), works, li, 4

Brazil, when discovered, 9 ; colonized
by the Portuguese, ih. ; origin of
name and its antiquity, 46

Brigharo (Anthony^, 6

Burrough (Stephen), works, bci ; birth,
etc., 6 ; account of, on a monu-
mental brass in Chatham church, 15

Burrough (William), works, Ixi, 6

Burros (Steven), see Burrough

Burros (William), sec Burrough

Cabot (John), discoverer of America,

Ixviii ; account of his expedition in
1496, ih. ; letters patent granted to
him and to his three sons by Henry
VII, 19

Cabot (Sebastian), works, Ivii ; birth,
etc., 6 ; argument in favour of a
north-west passage, 11 ; extract
from Peter Martyr respecting his
voyage along the east coast of North
America, Ixxxviii ; extract from
Gomara on the same subject, Ixxxix ;
note of his voyage, 23 ; extract from
Ramusiu respecting his voyage to
the north, 24 ; maps and discourses
in the possession of William Wor-
thington, 26

Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), took posses-
sion of Brazil in 1500, 9

Calicut, Vasco da Gama arrives at, by
sea in 1498, 42

Cam (Diego), discovers Congo in 1484,
41

Cape Verde islands, discovery of, 46

Cartier (Jacques), Iviii, xcv, 5

Cathaia, explanation of, 24

Chancellor (Nicholas), works, lii, 4

Chancellor (Richard), works, Ix, 6

Charles V, emperor of Germany, study
of navigation promoted by, 14

Chart, by R. Thome, explanation of,
36

Chaves (Alonso de), account of, 14

Chicoria, described, 108

Claudia island, discovered by Veraz-
zani, 63

Clinuite, described, 49

Colombo (Cristoforo), works, Ivi ; birth,
etc., 5

Congo, discovered by Diego Cam, in
1484, 41

Conti (Nicold di), works, Ivi, 5

Contractation House, 14

Coronado (Francis Vasques de), see
Vasques

Cortereal (Anus), ship sent by him in
1574 to discover a north-west pas-
sage, 7

A A

INDEX.

Curtereul (n»»piir), 6
C'rantziiiN (AllnirtuH), mt Kraiitz
CuImi, iliMcowrod by Cohiinbun in 1402,
43

Diainoiida, prices of, 168, 161, 164, lOS

Diaz (Hartiiolnmeu), doubloH thu Cape
uf (}ou(l IIupu fur the first ttiiio in
1487, 42

Dominica, tliacovered by ColumbuM in
14l»3, 43

Drake* (Hir FranciH), 6 ; makes a voyage
of diHcovery along tlio western coast
uf Nurth America as high as the
48 th degree, 12 ; ufler tu found a
lectureship in navigation, 16

Drogeo, discuvery of, 72

Eleot (Hugh), tee Elliot

£ngroveIand, discovery of, "2 ; Fran-
ciscan monastery at, described, 77 ;
Zichmni arrives there, and builds a
city, 87

Krondello (P.), translation of part of
Lescarbot's " Histuiro de la Nouvelle
France," xxx

Estotiland, discovery of, 72 ; descrip-
tion of, 81

Penton (Edward), 6

Finieus (Orontius), see Fin6

Fin6 (Oronce), works, xlix ; birth,
etc., 3

Florida, first French colony in, under
Albert de la Pierria, xciv ; misman-
agement and sufferings of the first
colonists, ci ; second colony under
the command of Laudonnidro, cv
destroyed by the Spaniards, cviii
natives of, tlieir evidence in favour
of the north-west passage, 11 ; dis'
covery of, by J. Ribault, 91, 97
description of the country, its inha'
bitants and produce, 98

Fracastoro (Girolamo), works, xlv
birth, etc., 3

Frisland, discovery of the island of, 72

Frobisher (Sir Martin), 6 ; made three
voyages in search of the north-west
passage, 12

Gabot, tec Cabot

Gaetano (Juan), works, lix, 5

Gaeton (John), (.re Oaotann

Gaivani (Antonio), works, Ixi ; birth,

etc., 6 ; his " Tratndu", published in

English by Hakluyt, xxxi
Galvano (Francis) ice Ualvam
Gama (Vasco da), works, Ivii ; itirth,

etc. S ; (hmbles the Cape of Good

Hope in 1497, and arrives at Cali-
cut in 1498, 42
Gemma, FrimiM, k« Gemma (R.)
Gemma (Reinerus), works, xlv ; birth,

etc. 3
Geography, names of writers on, 8, 4
Gilbert (Sir Humphrey), works, 1. ;

birth, etc. 4, 6
Giunti (Tonmiaso), xlviii ; birth, etc. 8
Gunsalva (Gil) said to have sought a

passage by the north-west, Ixiv, 11
Gonzalez de Mendoza, ( ), History

of China translated by Parke, xxix
Good Hope, Cape of, doubled for the

first time by Uartholomeu Diaz in

1487, 42
Grafton (Richard), extract from his

chronicle, relating to thu voyage of

discovery by two ships in 1527, 64
Guicciardini (Giovanni Uittista), works,

xlvi ; birth, etc. 3

HaithonuB, Bee Hatto
Hakluyt, Family of ; account of, ii-iv
Hakluyt, (Richard), birth and educa-
tion, iv ; circumstance which led him
to study Geography, v ; his desire
to procure the establishment of a lec-
ture on navigation, vii ; addresses
the Lord Admiral Howard on the
subject, vii ; letter to Sir Francis
Walsingham principally upon the
same subject, viii ; proposal to him
to accompany Sir Humphrey Gilbert
in his voyage to Newfoundland in
1583, ix ; second letter to Sir F.
Walsingham, xi ; appointed chaplain
to Sir Edward Statford, ambassador
to the Court of France, xiii ; made
a prebendary of Bristol, xiii ; one of
those to whom Sir Walter Raleigh
assigned his letters patent for dis-
coveries in heathen lands, xiv ; in-
stituted to the rectory of Wettering-
set-cum-Blochford, in Suffolk, xiv ;
his marriage, xiv ; chief promoter of
a petition to King James for a char-
ter for tho colonization of Virginia,
xiv ; death, xv ; his anxiety to pro-
mote geographical discovery, xvi ;
his exertions to procure inibrmation,
xvii ; encouraged by Sir F. Wal-

INDKX.

iin.({hnin to oontintie \m fetWirw, i
xvii ; hiM flnit viu,]' tlio "Divers
Voyagen", xviii ; iiulwoo^ liiiHnnier '.
t(i ticlit thu voyagtiN of ni>/;ii)lt and 1
othorH t<> Florida, aiul uIho jiiili- |
liMlieH an EtigliHli traiiHlation ot tliu '
Work, xix ; puliliNhcH an oilition of
Peter Martyr AntfhiorH'H work, Do [
nrl)o novo, xx ; ])uTiliHlioH \m " I'rin-

oipal Navigations of tho Kng-

HhIi Nation", etc, xxii-xxviii ; indiicuM
Pory to i>ul)liHh a translation of tliu
Ilixtory of Africa by Loo AfricantiH,
xxix ; induccH Parko to puhliHli a
tranMlalion of tliu IliHtory of China,
from tiio Spaninii of Oonzaluz de
Mendoza, xxix ; inducett P. Kron-
(lello to puMiHh a tranHlation of part
of Lt'Mcarbot'H IliHtoiro du la nouvelle
Franco, xxx ; puMiHhcH an KngliHh
trnnnlation of a work ))y A. Galvani,
xxxi ; tranHlatCH F. de Souto'H DIh-
coveriea in Florida, xxxii ; a promon-
tory on the ci;ntinont of Oruenland
named after him, xxxiv ; n river tlis-
covereil in a voyage to Pechora
named after him, ib. ; doHcription of
hiH " Divers Voyagos," xxxvi etseq.;
Will. 14fi ; note of the chief places
where spices grow in the En^t In-
dies, 161 ; of the several prices of
precious stones and spices, 168 ;
good merchandize to bring from tho
East Indies into Spain, 160 ; note of
commodities in good request in the
East Indies, the Moluccas, and China,
1«6

Hall (E.), extract from his chronicle re-
lating to the voyage of discovery by
two ships in 1627, 64

Harton, «ee Hatto

Hatto, works, liii ; birth, etc. 6

II ay to, see Hatto

Henry VII., king of England, letters
patent granted by him to John Cabot
and his three sons, Ixxi, 19 ; letters
patent granted to Richard Warde
and others, Ixxiii ; also to Hugh
Elyot and others, Ixxxv

Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez (Gon-
salvo), works, xlv ; birth, etc. 3

Heyes (Edward), works, Ixiii, 6

Hudson's straits, discovered by Gaspar
Gortereal, and by the ship said to
have been sent out by Anus Cor-
tereal, 7

I. J.

Jackman (Charles), 6
Icaria, discovery of, 72, 85

Ioelan<t, discovery of, 72
JunkinsoTi (Anthony), works, Ixii,
JordiMi, river, 112

Krantz (Albert), works, xliv ; birth,
etc. 3

\j\. Piorriiv (Albert do), romains in Flo-
rida at the head of [28] thirty sottK-rs
left there by Itibault, c, 1 1 4 ; explores
the country and endeavours to conci-
liate the natives, ci ; is put to death
by his companions, cii,

Laudonnidro ( ), sails to Florida in

command of three ships, with emi-
grants, cv ; cruets a fort named Ca-
roline, on the river 8t. John, ib. ;
relieved by Uibault when about to
abandon the colony in desjtair, cvii ;
colony destroyed by the Spaniards,
cviii

Lee (E<lward), account of, 33

Leo, Afrieanun, History of Africa, trans-
latetl by J, Pory, xxix

LcHcarbot (M.) Histoire do la Nouvelle
France, translated by Erondelle, xxx

Letters patent, granted by the sove-
reigns of England for the discovery
anil planting of unknown lands, Ixxi

Lock (.Slichael) translation of Ilakluyt's
edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera's
work, De Orbe Novo, xxi ; autobio-
graphical acco\mt of, xc

Longitude, adopted by Ptolemy, and
by different countries, 37

Lucar (Cyprian), 64

Lucar (Eniaimel), 64

MagalhaensfFemando de), work8,lviii, 5
Magalianes(Femandus), ace Magalhaens
Mandeville (Sir John), works, xliii ;

birth, etc. 3
Martyr (Peter), see Anghiera
Mary of Guildford, voyage of discovery

to the north, 64
May, river, discovered, 98
Medina (Pedro de), works, 14
Mendoza (Antonio de), works, xlvi ;

birth, etc. 3
Mercator (Gerard), works, xlvi ; birth,
etc. 3 ; opinion in favour of the ex-
istence of the north-west passage, 13
Meridian, see Longitude
Miinster (Sebastian), works,xlviii ; birth,
etc. 3

INDEX.

Navigation, study of, recommended,
14 ; Reader in the art of, appointed
by the Emperor Charles V, ib. ; Im-
portance of founding a lectureship
on, in London, 16 ; mariners igno-
rant of navigation in the sixteenth
century and at the present day, ib.
Ni^a (Marcos de), discovers Sibola, 102
Nolle (Antonio), discovers the Cape

Verde Islands, 45
North-west passage, probability and
advantages of, 7, 11, 24, 29, 35, 48.
Norumbega, origin of the name, 57
Notes given to Pette and Jackman,
sent out by the Muscovy Company
for the discovery of the north-east
passage, 116 ; notes to be given to
one that prepared for a discovery,
132 ; notes of certain commodities
in good request in the East Indies,
the Moluccas, and China, 166

Ortel (Abram), works, xlix ; birth,
etc., 4

Osorio (Jeronimo), works, xlix ; birth,
etc., 4

Oviedo y Valdez (Gonsalvo Hernan-
dez de), see Hernandez

Parke (R.), Translation of the History
of China from the Spanisli of Gon-
zalez de Mendoza, xxix

Paulus (Marcus), sec Polo

Pearls, prices of, 159, 161, 163, 164,
165

Pet (Arthur), 6

Philippine Islands, discovery of, 33 ;
precious stones and metals, etc.,
found there, ib.

Pierria (Albert de la), see La Pierria

Pinzon (Vicente Yafiez), discovered
Brazil in 1499, 9

Polo (Marco), works, lii ; birth, etc., 5

Pomi Appii, description of, 67

Portugal, grants to, by diflferent popes,
of all discoveries from Cape liojador
to the East Indies, 42 ; the world
divided between Portugal and Spain,
44 ; all discoveries within 370
leagues west from the Cape Verde
Islands secured to Portugal, ib. ;
commissioners appointed by Spain
and Portugal to settle the line of
demarcation for these 370 leagfues, 47

Pory (John), Translation of the History

of Africa, written by Leo Africanus,
xxix

Ramusio (Giovanni Batista), works,
xlvii ; birth, etc., ib. ; extract from,
respecting S. Cabot, 24

Ribault (Jean), 6 ; title of first edition
of his work in English, 17 ; sjjeech
to the first settlers in Florida, xcvii ;
second voyage to Florida in 1565, cvii.
Sails against the Spaniards who had
arrived on the coast, cvii ; is ship-
wrecked, cix ; he and 350 of his
men surrender, and are murdered
by the Spaniards, cix ; voyage of
discovery to the east coast of North
America, 91 ; arrives on the coast
of Florida, 97 ; enters the River
May, or St; John's River, and com-
municates with the inhabitants on
both banks, 98, 101 ; inhabitants
described, 100 ; productions of the
country, 101, 104, 109 ; examines
the coast northwards, 107 ; disco-
vers several rivers, 108 ; builds a
fort named Charlesfort, on a river
called Chenoncean, and leaves thirty
men there under the command of
Captain Albert de la Pierria, 113

Rochester, twenty men hung in, at one
time, 8

Rubies, prices of, 159, 161, 162, 164,
165

Saguinay, natives of, their evidence ab
to the existence of the north-west
passage, 11

Sampson, voyjvge of discovery of the
ship Sampson to the north, 54

Savage men, three brought home, 23

Sclavonia, district fonnerly comprised
within this term, 40

Settle (Dionysius), works, li, 4

Seyne, river, discovered, 108

Sibola, described, 102

Sidney (Sir Philip), interest taken by
him in maritime discovery, Ixvi ;
takes an assignment of part of the
interest of Sir Humphrey Gilbert
under the letters patent granted to
him in 1678, Ixvii

Somme, river, discovered, 109

Souto (Fernando de), discoveries in
Florida, translated by Haklujrt, xxxii

Spain, grant to, by Pope Alexander
VI, in 1493, of the western hemi-
sphere, 42 ; the world divided be-

INDEX

tween Portugal and Spain, 44 ; good
niercliandize to bring from the East
Indies into, 160

Spice Islands, placed in different de-
grees of longitude by the Spaniards
and Portuguese, 41 ; dispute be-
t.reen Spain and Portugal respect-
ing, 41, 44 ; may be reached by the
north-west passage, 35, 48

Spices, chief places where they grow
in the East Indies, 151

Stowe (John), extracts from his An-
nals, 23

Thevet (Andre), works, 1 ; birth, etc.,
4,6

Thome (M.), 5

Thome (Robert), Declaration of the
Indies, 27 ; reasons for attempting
the north-west passage, 29 ; book to
Dr. Ley, 33 ; explanation of his map,
36

Tordesillas, capitulation of, securing to
Portugal all discoveries within three
hundred and seventy leagues west
from the Cape Verde Islands, 44 ;
efforts to carry the capitulation iiito
efifect, 47

Transportation, first adopted, in mo-
dem times, by the Portuguese and
Spaniards, 10 ; when introduced into
the penal code of England, ib.

Travellers, names of, 5, 6

Valdez(GonMilvo Hernandez de Oviedo
y), see Hernandez.

Vasques de Coronado (Francis), works,
lix, 6

Verazzani (Giovanni), observations on
his voyage, Ixxxviii ; manuscript
account of his voyage, xcii ; sets out
a north-west passage in his map, 11 ;
relation of his voyage of discovery,
55 ; departs fi-om one of the De-
zertas, ib. ; discovers land, in the
neighbourhood of Charleston, or of
the Savannah, 56 ; manners and
customs of the natives, ib. ; descrip-
tion of the country and its animals,
58 ; sails northward to what is sup-
posed to be George Town and Long
Bay, 68 ; sends a young man on
shore, probably about Raleigh Bay,
with presents, who is thrown on the
beach by the violence of the surf,
and stunned, but kindly treated by
the natives, 60 ; sends twenty men

ashore, about lat. 38 degrees, who
examine the country, .and endeavour
to bring off a young woman and
child, but are obliged to content
themselves with the child, 61 ; de-
scription of the boats of the natives,
and mode of construction, 62 ; vines
grow naturally here, ib. ; sails one
hundred leagues further, and jirrives
at what is supposed to be the moutli
of the Hudson, 63 ; enters the river,
ib. ; sails fifty leagues further, and
discovers Claudia Island, ib. ; this
island supposed to be Martha's Vine-
yard, 64 ; sails fifteen leagues fur-
ther, and arrives at what is supposed
to be Narraganset Bay, 64 ; asso-
ciates with the natives, ib. ; descrip-
tion of them, and of their manners
and customs, 65, 68 ; have copper,
which they esteem more tlian gold,
65 ; would not allow their women
to go on board the ship, 66 ; de-
scription of the country and its pro-
ductions, 67 ; leaves this coast, and
sails one hundred and fifty leagues
further, to about Portsmouth, in
New Hampshire, or the southern
part of Maine, 69 ; finds the natives
fierce and discourteous, ib. ; sails
along the coast for fifty leagues, and
discovers thirty-*wo islands, sup-
posed to be ^ .lobscot Bay, 71 ;
s<ails north-east tor one hundred and
fifty leagues, and approaches New-
foundland, at which point he deter-
mines to return to France, ib. ; time
and manner of his death not known,
93 ; Mr. Biddle's hypothesis concern-
ing it, ib.

Vespucci (Amerigo) made the first set-
tlement in Brazil in 1503, 9

Virginia, the first British penal settle-
ment, 10

Ward (Luke), works, Ixiii, 6
Willoughby (Sir Hugh), works, Ix, Q
Worthington (William), account of, 26

Xavier (Fran9ois), works, lix ; birth,
etc., 6

Zahrtman (C. C), remarks on the
alleged voyages of N, and A. Zuno,
xciii.

INDEX.

Zeni, family of, genealogy, 72
Zeno (Antonio), joins his brother Nicolo
in Frisland, 76 ; his letter, giving
an account of the discovery of Esto-
tiland, 81 ; sails, with Zichmni, for
Estotiland, discovers Icaria and £n-
groveland, 85
Zeno (Nicolo) sails from Venice in the
year 1380, 73 ;'ca8t away, in a storm,
upon the Island of Frisland, ih. ;
attacked by the natives, but pro-
tected by Zichmni, duke of Sorani,

74 ; Zichmni sends him on board his
fleet, and takes him into his service,

75 ; made captain of Zichmni's navy.

and attacks Estlande, 76 ; left in
command of the Island of Bres, 77 ;
sails to Engroveland, where he finds
a monastery of Friars Preachers, 77 ;
death, 81

Zeno (Nicolo and Antonio), observa-
tions on their voyages, xcii

Zichmni, saves Nicolo Zeno from the
natives of Frisland, 74 ; conquers
Frisland, 75 ; attacks Iceland, and
Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Minant,
Dambere, and Bres, 77 ; expedition
towards Estotiland, and discovers
Icaria and Engroveland, in which
latter place he builds a city, 85

'. *

( i